Memoirs of German soldiers. War years Exit from the encirclement stories of soldiers 1941

We received the good news on the radio. On November 19, our troops went on the offensive near Stalingrad and continue to vigorously drive the Germans. It was necessary to increase activity in the decommissioning of the railway lines leading to the front. Near our location, the railways, as a rule, were inactive. The command of the brigade sent several groups of demolition men to the Kursk region, and the women's group was tasked to get to the Kursk station and try to disable the locomotives. This was an important contribution of the partisans of our brigade to the common cause of defeating the enemy. To everyone's rejoicing, we received news of the encirclement of the Stalingrad group of Germans.

This is how our daily routine went. Once, in the second half of December 1942, the scouts reported that a large group of Germans was concentrating in the village of Asmon, which even had artillery. The village of Asmon had quite a few households and was located near our main base. In winter, a significant number of troops can be sheltered in such a settlement. During punitive operations against the partisans, the Germans constantly occupied this settlement. This village had a very advantageous location in relation to the forest in which we were located. So far, the Germans behaved loyally, and we did not know their further intentions. The most likely thing was that the Germans were going to strengthen the protection of the railway line, try to block the partisans and prevent the partisans from attacking the retreating troops, rear areas and suitable reserves to the front.

These were just our guesses. However, it is undesirable to have such a neighbor nearby. The command of the brigade had the idea to strike at this garrison with the forces of the entire brigade. They gave the task to intelligence - to clarify through messengers where the firing points are located, what guards are posted at night, where posts are posted, in which houses the officers are located and other details. It took a little time for this. A day later, we already knew all the details of the location and protection of the settlement. We began to develop a detailed plan of our offensive. Our plan was simple. On a signal from the command post, all units must suddenly begin to act. The village was divided into sections or sectors. Each unit received a section. In the detachments, their plots were divided into separate houses. Assault groups were appointed, whose task was to capture a separate house or eliminate a firing point, a guard post, etc. The plan was based on surprise action.

At night, at about 12 o'clock, the brigade set out for the starting areas. The exit to the starting positions should be carried out covertly. For this purpose, guides were even involved who knew all the trails. The concentration must be completed at the set time specified in the plan. To wait for messengers who would report on the withdrawal of detachments to their original positions, firstly, would require additional time, and secondly, we could find ourselves with our excessive movements. Everything was designed for the exact and accurate execution by the detachments of the combat order of the command and headquarters of the brigade.

I was with the commissar of the brigade Andrei Dmitrievich Fedosyutkin at the Dmitrievsky detachment. This detachment was supposed to break into the northern outskirts of the village and occupy the church. The enemy had a machine gun in the church. They were supposed to break into the church suddenly and seize a machine gun. In the future, machine-gun fire to shoot the enemy who tries to hide in the church. The church represented the main and serious shelter for the enemy.

The commissar, my detachment, and I reached our starting positions a little earlier than the time scheduled in the plan. They lay down and began to wait for the offensive signal. The signal was supposed to be given from the point of the brigade commander with a rocket. 15-20 minutes before the start of the attack, the unforeseen happened, and it was already impossible to fix it.

At the opposite end of the settlement, intense shooting began. We don't know yet what happened there. One thing became clear - the surprise was broken. Our detachment had to immediately begin to act, otherwise the enemy would be able to come to his senses and offer us organized resistance. The leadership at the command post of the brigade commander was of the same opinion. A rocket rose up, which announced the beginning of the action. Shooting immediately broke out in all parts of the village.

The Dmitrievsky detachment burst into the northern outskirts of the settlement with a quick throw and began to shoot at point-blank range in disorder the Germans running out of their houses. The battle did not last long, about an hour, then it began to fade everywhere. As soon as the rocket appeared, I first of all reminded the chief of staff of the detachment, comrade. Bonnikov, so that the assault group quickly captured the church. After about 20 minutes, I was informed that it was impossible to get into the church. Premature shots on the southern outskirts of the villages managed to warn the Germans of the danger, and part of the Germans managed to run into the church, close it from the inside and organize return fire. I thought that it was still possible to try to break into the church, and I rushed up to the wall of the church, where several of our fighters were standing. They showed me from which windows the Germans were firing. It was impossible to take this centuries-old stronghold by storm.

The Germans from the church could clearly see our black dots in the snow. Although the Germans did not fire accurately, even indiscriminate firing could inflict significant losses on us. We decided to leave the church and continue to destroy the Germans in the village and on the field. A group of partisans was ordered to conduct methodical fire on the church in order to block the Germans who had settled there.

The detachments reported that the combat mission was being carried out successfully. The Germans jumped out of their houses in a panic, without even having time to put on their outer clothing. After 1.5-2 hours of battle, the command was given to stop, and then gather at the edge of the forest behind the church. The German garrison was completely destroyed. A small group of Germans remained in the church, and several people fled in an unknown direction, the rest were destroyed. The Germans lost in this battle at least 100 people only killed. Staying here and further, chasing individual hidden soldiers was completely pointless. Despite all the shortcomings, we successfully completed our task. The detachment commanders were given the command to carefully check the personnel, check the battlefield so that there were no wounded or killed partisans there.

The detachments captured a lot of infantry weapons and ammunition. Even one gun was brought to the base. True, this gun did not have a firing mechanism - the Germans managed to pull it out. By morning, the Germans drove the policemen and separate units of the Germans to Asmon, who apparently arrived from Dmitrovsk. Local residents said that the Germans collected corpses all day and took them away in the direction of Dmitrovsk.

Our units also suffered casualties. After the report of the detachment commanders, 19 of our comrades were killed, about two dozen were wounded. 5 people were seriously injured, the rest did not even require hospitalization. We buried our comrades with honors, however, everyone's heart was heavy. We have suffered too great a loss in this operation. Brigade commander I.M. Panchenko, when summing up the results, highly appreciated the actions of the detachments, but pointed to our miscalculations, as a result of which the brigade suffered such unjustified losses. Andrei Dmitrievich Fedosyutkin, the commissar of the brigade, told them not to hang their noses. The Germans paid dearly for the death of our comrades. “We would like to destroy the Germans as much as possible and not lose our fighters. However, no war is without casualties. In this operation, we lost several of our comrades. We mourn for them. We will remember them all our lives and tell the future generation about them, that they gave their lives as heroes in the struggle for our Motherland.”

After this operation, the brigade did not conduct major operations with all detachments for a long time. Life continued to go on as usual, the brigade units, as before, continued to carry out various combat missions. This continued until February 1943.

I would like to introduce a few readers. The brigade, as a combat formation of partisans, acted according to the orders of the headquarters of the partisan movement at the Bryansk Front or the central headquarters of the partisans under the leadership of K.E. Voroshilov and P.K. Ponomarenko. So there was the same strict command and control discipline and centralization as in the troops that fought the enemy at the front. The brigade received operational assignments from a higher headquarters and could not act independently for the sake of its "parochial interests". To carry out any combat operation on a brigade scale, we had to obtain permission from the headquarters of the partisan movement at the front or the central headquarters. This does not mean that under the current situation they could not independently solve combat missions. An example of such a solution is the last operation.

Part 1

Nikolai Baryakin, 1945

THE BEGINNING OF THE WAR

I worked as an accountant of the Pelegovsky forestry of the Yuryevets forestry. On June 21, 1941, I arrived at my father's house in Nezhitino, and the next morning, turning on the detector receiver, I heard terrible news: we were attacked by Nazi Germany.

This terrible news quickly spread throughout the village. The war has begun.

I was born on December 30, 1922, and since I was not even 19 years old, my parents and I thought that they would not take me to the front. But already on August 11, 1941, I was drafted into the army on a special recruitment basis, and with a group of Yurievites I was sent to the Lvov military machine-gun and mortar officer school, which by that time had been relocated to the city of Kirov.

After graduating from college in May 1942, I received the rank of lieutenant and was sent to the active army on the Kalinin Front in the area of ​​the city of Rzhev in the Third Rifle Division of the 399th Rifle Regiment.

After the defeat of the Germans near Moscow, fierce defensive and offensive battles took place here from May to September 1942. The Germans on the left bank of the Volga built a multi-layered defense with the installation of long-range guns. One of the batteries, codenamed "Berta", stood in the area of ​​the Semashko rest house, and it was here at the end of May 1942 that we launched the offensive.

NINETEEN-YEAR-OLD COMPANY COMMANDER

Under my command was a platoon of 82-mm mortars, and we covered our rifle companies with fire.

One day the Germans launched an attack, throwing tanks and a large number of bombers at us. Our company occupied a firing position in close proximity to the infantry trenches and fired continuously at the Germans.

The fight was hot. One calculation was disabled; The company commander, Captain Viktorov, was seriously wounded and he ordered me to take command of the company.

So for the first time in difficult combat conditions, I became the commander of a unit in which there were 12 combat crews, a household platoon, 18 horses and 124 soldiers, sergeants and officers. For me it was a great challenge, because. at that time I was only 19 years old.

In one of the battles, I received a shrapnel wound in my right leg. Eight days I had to stay in the rank of the regiment, but the wound quickly healed, and I again accepted the company. From the explosion of the shell, I was easily shell-shocked, and my head ached for a long time, and sometimes there was an infernal ringing in my ears.

In September 1942, after reaching the banks of the Volga, our unit was withdrawn from the battle zone for reorganization.

A short rest, replenishment, preparation, and we were again thrown into battle - but on a different front. Our division was introduced into the Steppe Front and now we were advancing with battles in the Kharkov direction.

In December 1942, I was promoted ahead of schedule to the rank of senior lieutenant, and I was officially appointed deputy commander of a mortar company.

We liberated Kharkov and came close to Poltava. Here the company commander Senior Lieutenant Lukin was wounded, and I again took command of the company.

WOUNDED NURSE

In one of the battles for a small settlement, our company nurse Sasha Zaitseva was wounded in the abdomen. When we ran up to her with one platoon leader, she took out a pistol and screamed at us not to approach her. A young girl, even in moments of mortal danger, she retained a sense of girlish shame and did not want us to expose her for dressing. But having chosen the moment, we took away the gun from her, made a dressing and sent her to the medical battalion.

Three years later I met her again: she married an officer. In a friendly conversation, we recalled this incident, and she seriously said that if we had not taken away her weapons, she could have shot both of us. But then she heartily thanked me for saving her.

SHIELD OF CIVILIANS

On the outskirts of Poltava, we occupied the village of Karpovka with fighting. We dug in, installed mortars, fired with a “fan” and, in the silence of the evening, sat down to have dinner right at the command post.

Suddenly, a noise was heard from the German positions, and observers reported that a crowd of people was moving towards the village. It was already dark and a man's voice came from the darkness:

Brothers, the Germans are behind us, shoot, do not be sorry!

I immediately gave the command to the firing position by phone:

Zagrad fire No. 3.5 min, quick, fire!

A moment later, a flurry of mortar fire hit the Germans. Scream, groan; return fire shook the air. The battery made two more fire raids, and everything was quiet. All night until dawn we stood in full combat readiness.

In the morning, we learned from the surviving Russian citizens that the Germans, having gathered the inhabitants of the nearby farms, forced them to move in a crowd towards the village, and we ourselves followed them, hoping that in this way they would be able to capture Karpovka. But they miscalculated.

ATROCITY

In the winter of 1942-43. we liberated Kharkov for the first time and successfully moved further west. The Germans retreated in panic, but even retreating, they did their terrible deeds. When we occupied the Bolshiye Maidany farm, it turned out that not a single person was left in it.

The Nazis smashed heating appliances in literally every house, knocked out doors and windows, and burned down some of the houses. In the middle of the farm, they laid an old man, a woman and a child girl on top of each other and pierced all three of them with a metal crowbar.

The rest of the inhabitants were burned behind the farm in a stack of straw.

We were exhausted from a long day's march, but when we saw these terrible pictures, no one wanted to stop, and the regiment moved on. The Germans did not count on this and at night, taken by surprise, they paid for the Great Maidan.

And now, as if alive, Katina stands in front of me: in the early morning, the frozen corpses of the Nazis were stacked on carts and taken to a pit to permanently remove this evil spirits from the face of the earth.

ENVIRONMENT UNDER KHARKOV

So, fighting, freeing farm after farm, we deeply invaded the Ukrainian land in a narrow wedge and approached Poltava.

But the Nazis recovered somewhat and, having concentrated large forces in this sector of the front, went over to the counteroffensive. They cut off the rear and surrounded the Third Panzer Army, our division and a number of other formations. There was a serious environmental threat. Stalin's order was given to withdraw from the encirclement, help was sent, but the planned withdrawal did not work.

We, with a group of twelve infantrymen, were cut off from the regiment of the fascist motorized column. Hiding in a railway booth, we took up all-round defense. The Nazis, having fired a machine-gun burst at the booth, slipped further, and we orientated ourselves on the map and decided to cross the Zmiev-Kharkov highway and go out to Zmiev through the forest.

On the road, the cars of the Nazis were walking in an endless stream. When it got dark, we seized the moment and, holding hands, ran across the highway and found ourselves in the saving forest. For seven days we zigzagged through the forest, at night in search of food we went to settlements, and finally got to the city of Zmiev, where the defensive line of the 25th Rifle Guards Division was located.

Our division was stationed in Kharkov, and the next day I was in the arms of my fighting friends. My orderly Yakovlev from Yaroslavl gave me the letters that came from home and said that he sent a notice to my relatives that I had died in the battles for the Motherland in the Poltava region.

This news, as I later learned, was a heavy blow to my loved ones. Also, my mother had died shortly before. I learned about her death from the letters that Yakovlev gave me.

SOLDIER FROM ALMA-ATA

Our division was withdrawn for reorganization to the area of ​​the village of Bolshetroitsky, Belgorod region.

Again, preparation for battle, exercises and the adoption of new replenishment.

I remember an incident that later played a big role in my fate:

A soldier from Alma-Ata was sent to my company. After working out for several days in the platoon where he was assigned, this soldier asked the commander to allow him to talk to me.

And so we met. A literate, cultured man in pince-nez, dressed in a soldier's overcoat and boots with windings, he looked somehow pitiful, helpless. Apologizing for his concern, he asked to be heard.

He said that he worked in Alma-Ata as the chief physician, but had a fight with the regional military commissar, and he was sent to a marching company. The soldier swore that he would be more useful if he performed the duties of at least a medical instructor.

He did not have any documents to support what he said.

You still need to prepare for the upcoming battles, I told him. - Learn to dig in and shoot, and get used to front-line life. And I'll report you to the regimental commander.

At one of the reconnaissances, I told this story to the regiment commander, and a few days later the soldier was seconded from the company. Looking ahead, I will say that he really turned out to be a good medical specialist. He received the rank of military doctor and was appointed head of the medical battalion of our division. But I learned about all this much later.

KURSK DUGA

In July 1943, the great battle began on the Oryol-Kursk Bulge. Our division was put into action when, having exhausted the Germans on the defensive lines, the entire front went on the offensive.

On the very first day, with the support of tanks, aviation and artillery, we advanced 12 kilometers and reached the Seversky Donets, immediately crossed it and broke into Belgorod.

Everything was mixed up in a pitch roar, in smoke, the grinding of tanks and the screams of the wounded. The company, having changed one firing position and fired a volley, removed, occupied a new position, fired a volley again and again moved forward. The Germans suffered heavy losses: we captured trophies, guns, tanks, prisoners.

But we also lost comrades. In one of the battles, a platoon commander from our company, Lieutenant Aleshin, was killed: we buried him with honors on Belgorod land. And for a long time, for more than two years, I corresponded with Alyoshin's sister, who loved him very much. She wanted to know everything about this good guy.

A lot of soldiers remained forever lying on this earth. Even a lot. But the living moved on.

RELEASE OF KHARKOV

On August 5, 1943, we again entered Kharkov, but now forever. In honor of this great victory, victorious salutes thundered in Moscow for the first time in the entire war.

On our sector of the front, the Germans, having hastily retreated to the area of ​​​​the city of Merefa, finally managed to organize defense and stop the offensive of the Soviet army. They occupied advantageous positions, all heights and former military barracks, dug in well, set up a large number of firing points and unleashed a flurry of fire on our units.

We also took up defensive positions. The firing positions of the company were chosen very well: the command post was located at the glass factory and was put forward directly into the trenches of the rifle company. The battery of mortars began to conduct aimed fire at the entrenched Germans. From the observation post, the entire front line of the German defense was visible, so that I could see at a glance every exploding mine, which lay exactly along the trenches.

Over four days there were stubborn battles for Merefa. Hundreds of mines were fired at the heads of the Nazis and, finally, the enemy could not withstand our onslaught. In the morning they handed over Merefa.

In the battles for this city, twelve people died in my company. Right next to me at the observation post, my orderly Sofronov, a Penza collective farmer, was killed - a sincere man, the father of three children. As he was dying, he asked me to report his death to his wife and children. I faithfully fulfilled his request.

For participation in the battles on the Kursk Bulge, many soldiers and officers were awarded orders and medals of the Soviet Union. Our division has also received many awards. For the liberation of Kharkov and for the battles on the Kursk Bulge, I was awarded the Order of the Red Star and received three personal congratulations from the Supreme Commander-in-Chief Comrade I.V. Stalin.

In August 1943, I was promoted ahead of schedule to the next rank of captain, and in the same month I was accepted into the ranks of the Communist Party. The party card, order and epaulettes of dress uniform were handed to me by the deputy division commander at the firing position of the battery.

FAITHFUL HORSE

After the end of the Battle of Kursk, our Third Rifle Division, as part of the Second Ukrainian Front, fought for the liberation of Ukraine.

On that day, the regiment was on the march, there was a regrouping of the troops of the front. Having dispersed in company, we moved along country roads in compliance with disguise. As part of the first rifle battalion, our minrota moved last, the battalion headquarters and the economic unit followed us. And when we entered the narrow hollow of a small river, the Germans unexpectedly fired at us from armored vehicles.

I rode a beautiful gray very smart horse, which did not save me from any death. And suddenly a sharp blow! Right next to my foot at the stirrup, a bullet fired from a large-caliber machine gun pierced. Horse Mishka shuddered, then reared up and fell on his left side. I just managed to jump off the saddle and took cover behind the body of Mishka. He groaned and it was all over.

The second burst of machine-gun fire once again hit the poor animal, but Mishka was already dead - and he, dead, again saved my life.

The subdivisions adopted battle order, opened aimed fire, and the group of fascists was destroyed. Three transporters were taken as trophies, sixteen Germans were captured.

POLICEMAN

At the end of the day we occupied a small farm located in a very picturesque place. It was time for golden autumn.

They quartered people, placed mortar carts in combat readiness, set sentries, and the three of us - I, my deputy A.S. Kotov and the orderly (I don't remember his last name) went to one of the houses to rest.

The hosts, an old man with an old woman and two young women, greeted us very friendly. Having rejected our army rations, they brought us all sorts of dishes for dinner: expensive German wine, moonshine, fruit.

We started eating together with them, but at some point one of the women told Kotov that the owner's son, a policeman, was hiding in the house, and that he was armed.

Captain, let's smoke, - Kotov called me, took me by the arm and led me out into the street.

At the porch, the sentry stood calmly. Kotov hurriedly relayed to me what the young woman had told him. We warned the sentry and told him to make sure that no one left the house. They alerted a platoon, cordoned off the house, made a search and found this scoundrel in a chest, on which I sat down several times.

It was a man of 35-40 years old, healthy, well-groomed, in German uniforms, with a Parabellum pistol and a German machine gun. We arrested him and sent him under escort to the headquarters of the regiment.

It turned out that the German headquarters were quartered in the house of this family, and all of them, except for the woman who warned us, worked for the Germans. And she was the wife of the second son, who fought in parts of the Soviet troops. The Germans did not touch her, because. the old people passed her off as their daughter, and not as their son's daughter-in-law. And that the son is alive and fighting against the Germans, only his wife knew. His parents considered him dead, because. back in 1942 they received a "funeral". Many valuable fascist documents were confiscated in the attic and in the barn.

Without this noble woman, a tragedy might have happened to us that night.

ALEXANDER KOTOV

One evening, during a halt, a group of soldiers dragged three Germans: an officer and two soldiers. Kotov and I began to ask them what part they were from, who they were. And before they had time to come to their senses, the officer took a pistol out of his pocket and fired point-blank at Kotorva. I knocked the gun out of him with a sharp movement, but it was too late.

Alexander Semenovich got up, somehow calmly took out his inseparable "TT" and shot everyone himself. The gun fell out of his hands and Sasha was gone.

Even now he stands in front of me, as if alive - always cheerful, fit, modest, my deputy for political affairs, my comrade, with whom I walked together for more than a year through the fields of war.

One day we were on the march and, as always, we rode with him in front of the column. The people greeted us with joy. All those who survived ran out into the streets and searched among the soldiers for their relatives and friends.

One woman suddenly looked intently at Kotov, waved her arms and shouted "Sasha, Sashenka!" rushed to his horse. We stopped, dismounted, stepped aside, letting a column of soldiers pass.

She hung on his neck, kissed, hugged, cried, and he carefully pushed her away: "You must have been mistaken." The woman recoiled and sank to the ground crying.

Yes, she really was wrong. But when she saw us off, she kept repeating that he was “exactly like my Sashenka” ...

In difficult moments, in hours of rest, he was very fond of humming a cheerful old melody: “You, Semyonovna, the grass is green ...” And suddenly, because of some absurdity, this dear person died. Damn those three captured Germans!

Senior Lieutenant Oleksandr Kotov was buried on Ukrainian soil under a small grave mound - without a monument, without rituals. Who knows, maybe now bread is turning green in this place or a birch grove is growing.

psychic attack

Moving with battles almost strictly to the south, our division went to the German fortifications in the area of ​​​​Magdalinovka and took up defensive positions. After the battles on the Kursk Bulge, in the battles for Karpovka and other settlements, our units were weakened, there were not enough fighters in the companies and, in general, fatigue was felt in the troops. Therefore, we perceived defensive battles as a respite.

The soldiers dug in, set up firing points and, as always, fired at the most likely approaches.

But we had only three days to rest. On the fourth day, early in the morning, when the sun rose, the German infantry moved in formation directly at our positions in an avalanche. They walked to the beat of the drum and did not shoot; they had neither tanks, nor aircraft, nor even conventional artillery preparation.

With marching steps, in green uniforms, with rifles at the ready, they walked in chains under the command of officers. It was a psychic attack.

The defense of the farm was occupied by one incomplete battalion, and in the first minutes we were even somewhat confused. But the command “To fight” sounded and everyone got ready.

As soon as the first rows of Germans approached the place we had shot at, the battery opened fire from all mortars. The mines fell exactly on the attackers, but they continued to move in our direction.

But then a miracle happened that no one expected. Several of our tanks opened fire from behind the houses, which approached at dawn, and which we did not even know about.

Under mortar, artillery and machine-gun fire, the psychic attack bogged down. We shot almost all the Germans, only a few of the wounded were then picked up by our rear detachments. And we went ahead again.

FORCING THE NEPR

Moving in the second echelon of the 49th Army, our division immediately crossed the Dnieper to the west of Dnepropetrovsk. Approaching the left bank, we took up temporary defenses, let the shock groups through, and when the advanced troops entrenched themselves on the right bank, our crossing was also organized.

The Germans constantly counterattacked us and rained merciless artillery fire and aerial bombs on our heads, but nothing could hold our troops back. And although many soldiers and officers are forever buried in the Dnieper sands, we came to the pro-bank Ukraine.

Immediately after forcing the Dnieper, the division turned sharply to the west and fought in the direction of the city of Pyatikhatki. We liberated one settlement after another. Ukrainians met us with joy, tried to help.

Although many did not even believe that it was their liberators who came. The Germans convinced them that the Russian troops were defeated, that an army of foreigners in uniform was coming to destroy them all - therefore, indeed, many took us for strangers.

But those were just minutes. Soon all the nonsense dissipated, and our children were hugged, kissed, rocked and treated with whatever they could by these glorious long-suffering people.

After standing in Pyatikhatki for several days and having received the necessary reinforcements, weapons and ammunition, we again waged offensive battles. We were faced with the task of capturing the city of Kirovograd. In one of the battles, the battalion commander of the First Battalion was killed; I was at his command post and by order of the regiment commander was appointed to replace the deceased.

Calling the battalion's chief of staff to the command post, he passed through him the order to take over the minrota by Lieutenant Zverev, and gave the order to the rifle companies to move forward.

After several stubborn battles, our units liberated Zhovtiye Vody, Spasovo and Adzhashka and reached the approaches to Kirovograd.

Now the mine company was moving at the junction of the First and Second Rifle Battalions, supporting us with mortar fire.

KATYUSHA

On November 26, 1943, I ordered the battalion to conduct an offensive along the Adjamka-Kirovograd highway, placing the companies in a ledge to the right. The first and third companies advanced in the first line, and the second company followed the third company at a distance of 500 meters. At the junction between the second and our battalions, two mortar companies were moving.

By the end of the day on November 26, we occupied the dominant heights located in the cornfield, and immediately began to dig in. A telephone connection was established with the companies, the regiment commander and the neighbors. And although dusk fell, the front was restless. It was felt that the Germans were conducting some kind of regrouping and that something was being prepared on their part.

The front line was continuously illuminated by rockets, and tracer bullets were fired. And from the side of the Germans, the noise of engines was heard, and sometimes the screams of people.

Intelligence soon confirmed that the Germans were preparing for a major counteroffensive. Many new units arrived with heavy tanks and self-propelled guns.

At about three in the morning, the commander of the 49th Army called me, congratulated me on the victory achieved and also warned that the Germans were preparing for battle. Having specified the coordinates of our location, the general asked us to hold fast so as not to let the Germans crush our troops. He said that on the 27th, fresh troops would be brought in by lunchtime, and in the morning, if necessary, a volley would be fired from the Katyushas.

Immediately, the head of the artillery regiment, Captain Gasman, got in touch. Since we were good friends with him, he simply asked: “Well, how many“ cucumbers ”and where do you, my friend, throw it?” I understood that it was about 120 mm mines. I gave Gasman two directions where to fire throughout the night. Which he did right.

Just before dawn, there was absolute silence along the entire front,

The morning of November 27 was cloudy, foggy and cold, but soon the sun came out and the fog began to dissipate. In the haze of dawn in front of our positions, like ghosts, appeared German tanks, self-propelled guns and figures of soldiers running across. The Germans went on the offensive.

Everything shook in an instant. The machine gun fired, guns rumbled, rifle shots clapped. We unleashed an avalanche of fire on the Fritz. Not counting on such a meeting, tanks and self-propelled guns began to retreat, and the infantry lay down.

I reported the situation to the regimental commander and asked for urgent help, because. believed that soon the Germans would attack again.

And indeed, after a few minutes, the tanks, picking up speed, opened aimed machine-gun and artillery fire along the line of shooters. The infantry again rushed after the tanks. And at that moment, from behind the edge of the forest, a long-awaited, salutary volley of Katyushas was heard, and seconds later - the roar of exploding shells.

What a miracle these "Katyushas"! I saw their first salvo back in May 1942 in the Rzhev region: there they fired with thermite shells. A whole sea of ​​solid fire on a huge area and nothing alive - that's what a "Katyusha" is.

Now the shells were shrapnel. They were torn apart in a strict checkerboard pattern, and where the blow was directed, rarely anyone remained alive.

Today, the Katyushas hit right on target. One tank caught fire, and the remaining soldiers rushed back in a panic. But at this time, on the right side, two hundred meters from the observation post, a Tiger tank appeared. Noticing us, he fired a volley from a cannon. Machine-gun fire - and the telegraph operator, my orderly and liaison were killed. My ears rang, I jumped out of my trench, reached for the handset, and, suddenly receiving a hot blow to my back, sank helplessly into my hole.

Something warm and pleasant began to spread over my body, two words flashed through my head: “That's it, the end,” and I lost consciousness.

WOUND

I woke up in a hospital bed with an elderly woman sitting next to it. The whole body ached, objects seemed vague, severe pain was felt in the left side, the left arm was lifeless. The old woman brought something warm and sweet to my lips, and with great effort I took a sip, and then again plunged into oblivion.

A few days later, I learned the following: our units, having received new reinforcements, which the general told me about, threw back the Germans, captured the outskirts of Kirovograd and entrenched themselves here.

Late in the evening, the orderlies of the regiment accidentally discovered me and, together with other wounded, were taken to the medical battalion of the division.

The head of the medical battalion (a soldier from Alma-Ata, whom I once saved from a mortar plate) recognized me and immediately sent me to his apartment. He did everything he could to save my life.

It turned out that the bullet, having passed a few millimeters from the heart and crushing the shoulder blade of the left hand, flew out. The wound was over twenty centimeters long, and I had lost over forty percent of my blood.

For about two weeks, my Alma-Ata resident and the old hostess took care of me around the clock. When I got a little stronger, they sent me to the Znamenka station and handed me over to the ambulance train, which was being formed here. The war on the Western Front was over for me.

The ambulance train I was on was heading east. We passed Kirov, Sverdlovsk, Tyumen, Novosibirsk, Kemerovo and finally arrived in the city of Stalinsk (Novokuznetsk). The train was on the road for almost a month. Many of the wounded died on the road, many underwent operations right on the move, some were cured and returned to duty.

I was taken out of the medical train on a stretcher and taken to the hospital by ambulance. Stretched painfully long months of bed life.

Shortly after arriving at the hospital, I underwent an operation (cleaning the wound), but even after that I could not turn around for a long time, much less stand up or even sit down.

But I began to get better, and five months later I was sent to a military sanatorium located near Novosibirsk on the picturesque banks of the Ob. The month spent here gave me the opportunity to completely restore my health.

I dreamed of returning to my unit, which, after the liberation of the Romanian city of Iasi, was already called Iasi-Kishinev, but everything turned out differently.

HIGHER TRAINING COURSES

After the sanatorium, I was sent to Novosibirsk, and from there to the city of Kuibyshev, Novosibirsk Region, to the training regiment of the deputy commander of the training mortar battalion, where sergeants were trained for the front.

In September 1944, the regiment moved to the area of ​​the Khobotovo station near Michurinsk, and from here in December 1944 I was seconded to the city of Tambov for the Higher Tactical Courses for Officers.

May 9, Great Victory Day, we met in Tambov. What triumph, true joy, what happiness this day brought to our people! For us warriors, this day will remain the happiest of all the days we have lived.

After completing the course at the end of June, we, five people from the group of battalion commanders, were seconded to the Headquarters location and sent to Voronezh. The war ended, peaceful life began, the restoration of destroyed cities and villages began.

I did not see Voronezh before the war, but what the war did to it, I know, I saw it. And it was all the more joyful to watch this wonderful city rise from the ruins.

Izot Davidovich Adamsky:
– I was born in 1922 in the city of Yekaterinoslav. My father, David Kalmanovich Adamsky, a full Cavalier of St. George, a man of heroic build and almost two meters tall, was repressed in 1936. In the photo studio on the main street of the city, since 1916, there was a photograph from the Niva magazine - “Gymnasium students give gifts to the Knights of St. George”. In the middle of the picture was my father.

Someone reported that the picture allegedly shows the daughter of Emperor Nicholas.

So, “for connection with the royal family”, according to Article 58, my father was imprisoned for five years .... Mother went to Leningrad, found old files of the Niva magazine for the sixteenth year, and brought a copy of the magazine to the NKVD Directorate. And a rare event happened! According to the inscription under the photograph, the NKVD realized that there were no tsar's daughters there at all. Father was released from prison... but not rehabilitated! He had restrictions on his release, the so-called "disqualification", which forbade him to live within a radius of 100 kilometers from large cities and regional centers. The family temporarily moved to the city of Shuya.

I had to study and work at the same time.

In 1939 we returned to Dnepropetrovsk.

I grew up in an "army atmosphere". All three of my older sisters were married to regular commanders of the Red Army. Two sisters married two Hoffman brothers. One of them, Khariton Hoffman, commanded a battalion on the Estonian island of Dago and died there in 1941. The second brother, Mikhail Hoffman, was the deputy head of the frontier post near Przemysl and died in the first frontier battles. The husband of the third sister was a military doctor. He was killed in 1942 near Kharkov. But, despite the "Red Army family environment", I did not want to become a military man. I finished school in the forty-first year and studied at the director's department of the theater studio with well-known actors in the city, Vladimir Vladimirovich Kenigson and Vladimir Emelyanovich Makkoveisky, and was preparing to enter the theater studio of the Moscow Art Theater in Moscow. After 1939, we all knew that war was coming. I regularly attended military classes at school three times a week, we took the “young fighter course”.

And anyway, I seemed to be mentally and physically ready for war, but when on June 22, 1941 I heard a message about the beginning of the war, I was stunned and shocked.

On the same day, together with my cousin Sasha Somovsky and fellow student Grisha Shlonimsky, we came to the draft board to ask for volunteers in the army. They wrote down our data and said: “Wait for the summons.” A week later, I volunteered for the army.

Grigory Koifman:
- You ended up serving in the 1st Volunteer Regiment of Political Fighters, who almost completely died in battles surrounded by Zelena Brama. The fate of the regiment is tragic, but the heroism of the political fighters is noted in many memoirs telling about the catastrophe of the 6th and 12th Army of the South-Western Front encircled near Uman in August 1941. A participant in those events, a well-known poet, Yevgeny Dolmatovsky, devoted a chapter to the political fighters in his book "Green Gate". But none of the political fighters spoke personally about what the soldiers of the regiment had to experience in those terrible days. And now, except for you, there is no one to tell about what really happened there. The same Dolmatovsky, unfortunately, has a lot of inaccuracies in the book. He writes that there were only 49 political fighters, but this is just a group of students from one of the faculties of the DSU, who joined the volunteer regiment and formed the backbone of one of the companies. According to archival data, there were a little more than a thousand political fighters near Uman. And they, in fact, all died, but did not flinch in battle. Tell us about the political fighters.

I.D. A.:
- On June 29, 1941, we, several thousand volunteers, exclusively Komsomol members and communists, were gathered in the city party committee. Exactly one thousand people were selected. Approximately 80-85% were Komsomol members under the age of 22. The overwhelming majority of volunteers were students of Dnepropetrovsk universities and workers of the city's factories: the Kirov car repair plant, the Komintern plant, the Lenin plant, and the Karl Liebknecht plant.

70% of the fighters were Russians and Ukrainians, and 30% were Jews.

Four volunteers over the age of thirty were selected from our staff and sent to political instructor courses, and all the rest were sent to Sumy.

Only 8 days we were trained on the territory of the Sumy Artillery School.

There were no more cadets at the school, they were all thrown to the front line, but the school warehouses were full of equipment and uniforms. We were dressed in military uniforms. They issued new tunics with "foreman's" buttonholes in black, but without "triangles". (as they said in the army, buttonholes with "four shekels", or "saw").

Everyone was shod in new boots (!), and not in windings.

When we were lined up, one of the commanders asked: "Who knows the Maxim machine gun?"

In the classroom in Osoviahim, I studied this machine gun quite well, and therefore immediately failed. Somovsky and Shlonimsky took two steps forward after me. From our "troika" they created a machine-gun crew in the "battalion of students."

On July 12, 1941, we approached the front line. Each political fighter was armed with a SVT rifle with a knife instead of a bayonet and one Molotov cocktail.

We received the name of the 1st Communist Regiment. The regiment was commanded by a career commander, Major Kopytin, who soon died in one of the first battles from a direct hit by a shell on an observation post.

G.K.:
- When did the regiment take its first baptism of fire?

IDA.:
- July 13, 1941 on the march, we ran into a German company. The regiment was walking along the road and was suddenly fired upon from the nearest village. We lay down, but could not dig in, we did not have sapper shovels. Fortunately for us, the Germans did not have artillery, and the experienced Kopytin quickly stopped the first signs of panic, deployed the companies in a chain, and we attacked the village. The Germans fled, there were many times more of us. There were first losses, the first dead of our comrades were lying on the battlefield, but most of the fighters were euphoric, we saw the backs of the fleeing Germans, and someone was lucky to kill the enemy.

On July 15, 1941, we arrived in the village of Podvysokoye. We were replenished with border guards and tankers who had lost their tanks in border battles. We took up defensive positions in the Podvysokoye area. Behind us is the Sinyukha River. Here the regiment died.

G.K.
- How were the political fighters distributed in parts? What were the tasks for the volunteers?

IDA.:
- It was near Moscow and Leningrad that volunteer political fighters were distributed among rifle divisions in order to rally people, raise military spirit, show by personal example how to fight, show courage in battle, lead people into an attack, and so on. And then, in mid-July 1941, the regiment was not divided into small units. But a week later, the surviving fighters were taken from us all the time to other areas of defense on the front line. So, my friends Somovsky and Shlonimsky were sent to neighboring companies to replace the failed Maxims crews.

And the task of the political fighters was extremely simple: to be the first to go on the attack and fight to the last bullet.

No one demanded or expected us to perform the functions of political instructors and agitators.

We owed our blood, our bodies, our weapons, our selfless courage to stop the Germans.

We, the political fighters, were rightfully considered the most devoted and staunch combat unit.

After all, if you say that the political fighters of the regiment were a thousand kamikaze fanatics, then this statement will be close to the truth. We really fanatically and sacredly loved the Soviet Motherland. Don't let these words seem too pompous or grandiloquent to you. So it was in fact.

Only a person who survived the forty-first year, a person who rose with a rifle in his hands in a bayonet attack, will be able to understand my words to the end ...

G.K.
- Two of our armies under the command of Generals Ponedelin and Muzychenko perished in the Uman “cauldron”. According to official figures, over 80,000 soldiers of the Red Army were captured there.

Only in recent years have military historians begun to write honestly about the events of August 1941 that took place in the region of Uman and Pervomaisk. And earlier it was possible to obtain only minimal information from the book of Bagramyan's memoirs, Dolmatovsky's memoirs and articles by Konstantin Simonov.

In contrast to the Vyazemsky, Kyiv and Belostok encirclement, relatively many fighters were able to break through from the Uman cauldron in battle. For example, General Zusmanovich withdrew the remnants of three divisions. It is believed that every twelfth fighter from those who fell into this environment broke through to his own. Is it really? ..

Nowhere, except for the book "Green Gate", there are no memoirs of ordinary soldiers, allowing you to imagine what was happening inside the encirclement. And no one remembers this book. Tell us as much as possible about those battles.

IDA.:
- As detailed as possible, chronologically, day after day, it will be difficult to tell. Memory no longer stores many moments. Let's try...

The perimeter of the environment was large, and I did not see what was happening in other areas with my own eyes. And with us ... The regiment's defense line at first was almost two kilometers. The generals write in their memoirs that a German tank corps was coming towards us, but this is not true. A simple German mountain rifle division, reinforced by a tank battalion, was advancing on our sector, rushing head-on towards Uman. Maybe there were German tanks on the flanks of the encirclement, which seems unlikely to me, but there were only eight wrecked German tanks on the regiment's defense sector.

We never saw our tanks or planes... There weren't any!..

Most of the soldiers from the personnel units that were with us at the junctions of the defense were demoralized, and they wanted to retreat ... Many were spiritually broken, no matter how bitter it is to admit ... The 18th Army generally draped without a fight ...

The war was like this - infantry against infantry. The Germans went on the attack, we let them up to 200 meters and shot them with precision. I remember that I even felt sick when I killed my "first Germans". It was unpleasant out of habit ... After each such attack, German artillery began to destroy us mercilessly and for a long time. Then an air raid, terrible and fighter ...

And everything repeated again. The Germans attack, we fight back, and then rise in a bayonet charge. The Germans, as a rule, did not accept hand-to-hand combat and rolled back.

A couple of times small groups of Germans “bashed” with us, and we showed them how to “hold the bayonet”! Even the platoon commander scolded me: “Why did you leave the machine gun and ran to the attack? What, the Germans won’t be killed without you ?! And then...

Again - an artillery attack, bombing, attack ... Our positions are in an open field, on the right - a forest. We were always afraid that the Germans would come to our rear through this forest.

And so it happened...

They say that the phrase "Not a step back!" appeared for the first time in the July battles near Uman.

Our forces were dwindling, many were killed, some were taken prisoner ... Moreover, all the time they took political fighters, in whole platoons, to close the gaps in neighboring areas and scattered them in parts. The Germans yelled at us at night: "Communists surrender!" Every day, hundreds of leaflets rained down on our heads with the text: “Jewish commissars, you will be exterminated,” and so on ... The Germans already knew from the prisoners which regiment was in front of them, they also knew that we were dressed in military tunics with “ foremen's buttonholes. Our guys, even if they were taken prisoner, had almost no chance of escaping. The Germans immediately determined belonging to the “commissar regiment” by their clothes and shot them upon arrival at the “Uman Pit” camp or killed them immediately on the battlefield. Comrades who miraculously survived in captivity told me about this after the war. At the end of July, when it became clear that the encirclement trap was hermetically slammed shut, we were given the order: “Cover the retreat!”.

It became clear to us that we could not escape from the ring, and our fate was to die, but to fulfill the order. All political fighters were gathered into one consolidated battalion. Two days later we were left with less than a company. Already on the first of August, our defense began to agonize.

The Germans plowed our positions with shells for two days in a row, day and night. In order to somehow survive, we crawled forward into the funnels in the neutral zone, hoping to survive "on the old shortfalls." The positions of the regiment were simply a field pitted with bombs and shells, littered with the corpses of soldiers ... We could not even send our wounded to at least some kind of sanitary battalion, the road to the rear was in German hands. The last time my company went on the attack on August 2, and after that there were not enough people to hold the line of defense with a sparse chain. From the side of Podvysoky, from the rear, we were also pounded by German artillery.

The Sinyukha River was red with blood...

The Germans, acting in assault groups, every night "cut" the sections of the regiment's defenses, and killed or captured our comrades, suppressing the last pockets of resistance.

We ran out of food already at the end of July, at night we crawled into apple orchards and vegetable gardens to find at least something to eat. There was no bread, no crackers...

On August 5, 1941, 18 of us remained alive, three of them were wounded. We're out of ammo. A couple of days before that, I shot the entire last supply of tapes for the “maxim”. For the whole group there were two German machine guns without ammunition, rifles with bayonets, and everyone already had a German Parabellum or Walter pistol, which he had taken from a dead enemy.

There were several grenades. We decided among ourselves that we would fight to the last, but we would not surrender.

We prepared to die... And so we wanted to live... But can you escape fate!..

At night, political instructor Melnikov crawled up to us and said that an order allowing a breakthrough had been dropped from the plane, and said that we had the right to leave positions and break through on our own, in any direction. Melnikov crawled back, he did not stay with us ...

I found it after the war. He was captured but survived...

We began to confer and decided to break through to the north. This was our only chance. At night they quietly slipped past the Germans, walked four kilometers and took refuge in the forest. Behind our backs there was a battlefield, which became a mass grave for many soldiers of the regiment ...

And then they still walked at night for several days, until the outer contour of the environment.

In front of us were German trenches, and then there was our territory. At dawn we approached the German trenches. When we started to cross the trench, the Germans noticed us and... hand-to-hand combat began... We shot fifteen people, strangled them, stabbed them, and rushed to run to our own people. But the sounds of the fight alarmed the entire German line. They were shooting at us, throwing grenades. I got grenade fragments in the neck and two in the leg. I fell, but the guys came back for me and pulled me out.

It's hard to believe now, but all (!), you know, all 18 people broke through alive! We went along the railroad tracks, the comrades carried me on a raincoat.

A locomotive with three wagons was moving towards us. The driver stopped, jumped off the locomotive and shouted to us: “Guys, where are you going?! There are Germans at the station! He opened one of the wagons for us, in which there were cookies in boxes. The machinist took out the property of the confectionery factory. We climbed into the car and ate something for the first time in recent days.
Our "echelon" went to Dnepropetrovsk.

And a few days later this city was also in German hands ...

We went out to our own... Several commanders approached us. Some captain said: “We went out, and thank God!” Then the commanders whispered among themselves, and the same captain said: "Don't tell anyone that there is no solid front!"

It turns out that there was an order that all political fighters leaving the encirclement should be sent to study at military schools. Even in that terrible confusion of 1941, at such a difficult moment at the front, we were not forgotten.

I ended up in the Krasnodar Artillery School - KAU.

G.K.
- I know that after the war, being the director of one of the best schools in the USSR, you created several search teams that were looking for the surviving political fighters of the 1st Communist Regiment. Fortunately, the lists of personnel are partially preserved in the archives.

How many living participants in the battles of the summer of forty-one, your fellow soldiers, were found in total?

IDA.:
- From our group, which left the encirclement, seven people survived. There was still a long war ahead, so the very fact that the seven “political fighters” went through the entire war and survived is unique in itself. Vishnevsky, for example, at the end of the war was a division commander, a major with five orders, including two BKZ.

Eleven more people were found, from those who escaped from captivity or made their way from the "Green Brama" as part of small groups of Red Army soldiers. We did not find anyone else from our regiment.

Yes, I hardly have anyone else survived.

G.K.
Can you name the survivors? Let people know the names of the heroes who fought to the last bullet in the terrible summer days of the forty-first year.

IDA.:
- Write down the names of the survivors:

Varchenko Ivan Alekseevich,

Yelin Vladimir Borukhovich,

Shlonimsky Grigory Yakovlevich,

Vishnevsky Mikhail Aronovich,

Artyushenko Victor Andreevich,

Melnikov Ivan Vasilievich

Cellar Mikhail Ilyich,

Water carrier Grigory Zakharovich,

Somovsky Alexander Lvovich,

Blier Mikhail Gershevich,

Shevlyakov Yuri Andreevich,

Rakov Anatoly Fomich,

Yaishnikov Demyan Klimentievich,

Pivovarov Vladimir Stepanovich

Berdichevsky Boris Markusovich,

Freidin Naum Yakovlevich,

Dotsenko Vasily Vladimirovich

I gathered all these guys in my house many years after the war. Only Melnikov did not come. It would be fair to publish a list of the dead soldiers of the regiment, but this list remained in Ukraine, I do not have it here.

The list of dead political fighters was kept by the deputy of the Dnepropetrovsk regional military commissar, Colonel Ivan Ivanovich Shapiro.

To my great regret, I don't even have a copy of the list...

G.K.
- As far as I can see from the list, all three soldiers of your machine gun crew survived . And Somovsky, and Shlonimsky, and you. Rare luck. How did they manage to survive?

IDA.:
– In captivity, they managed to hide that they were Jews. Their appearance was not typical. Sasha Somovsky fled shortly after his capture, in Dolmatovsky's group just a few hours before the total camp-wide selection in search of Jews and communists.

He wandered for a long time in German-occupied Ukraine, was again caught, and fled again. He went out to his people only in the winter, in the Rostov region. Sasha hid that he was in captivity for a short time, passed a special check as a “encirclement” and returned to the front.

He fought in regimental intelligence, was awarded the Order of Glory and two Orders of the Red Star. At the end of the war, Somovsky was seriously wounded and retired from the army.

And the history of Shlonimsky deserves to be written about in books.

Grisha escaped from captivity, was caught and taken to a prison camp in Germany, to work in the mines. He posed as a Ukrainian named Vologonenko. Soon, together with two lieutenants - Dotsenko and Lizogubenko (under this name the Zhitomir Jew Katsnelson was hiding in captivity) and three fighters, whose names I no longer remember, Grisha again fled from the camp. They reached the Arden, and joined the ranks of the Belgian partisans, in a detachment under the command of medical student Jacques Villard. The group initially consisted of 25 people. In the spring of 1943, Villar was killed, and Shlonimsky became commander. The detachment became a company, after - a battalion. And soon the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Belgium appointed Grisha commander of the 4th partisan regiment. Grisha knew French from school. His partisan alias is "Comrade Billy". Shlonimsky was awarded the highest orders of Belgium, including the Order of King Leopold and the Order of the Hero of the Resistance. In 1945, the partisans joined the American army. Grisha was summoned to the headquarters for the presentation of allied awards. A French general was there. Hearing Grisha's report in French, the general beamed: "I recognize the exquisite Parisian pronunciation!" Shlonimsky corrected the general: “Dnepropetrovsk pronunciation. School No. 58 on Mikhail Frunze Street ... ".

When the commander of the partisan regiment Shlonimsky returned to his homeland, he passed all the checks of the NKVD without any problems, and entered the university to study foreign language.

In Belgium, Shlonimsky-Vologonenko was considered a national hero, and, according to the laws of this country, gifts were sent to national heroes on behalf of the Belgian queen before every Christmas. The gift consisted of a Bible, new sashes, a bottle of cognac and some kind of prosvirka. There was also a greeting card written in French. So Grisha received such a parcel in 1948.

He was immediately arrested by the MGB. Shlonimsky was convicted "for connection with world imperialism", although he was "sewn" with espionage, but he did not sign anything during interrogations. He was given a “Godlike” term, only 6 years, perhaps because they did not want to aggravate relations with the Belgian Communist Party. Shlonimsky's wife, Lyusya Prilepskaya, was thrown out of the apartment with her baby, and they huddled in some kind of cold basement. Through our sailors who went on foreign voyages, Lucy was able to send a letter to Belgium and report her husband's arrest.

When they found out in Belgium that Vologonenko had been imprisoned, there were appeals from the CPB and from the Belgian government to the Soviet government with a demand to explain the situation.

Articles appeared in Belgian newspapers about the partisan hero "Comrade Billy", languishing in the Stalinist camps and photographs of Shlonimsky.

Grisha immediately added four years of imprisonment to the first term, so that "the bourgeoisie would not ask unnecessary questions." Grisha was released only at the end of 1953, after Stalin's death.

He was rehabilitated, reinstated in the party. Ours awarded him the medal "For Courage".

In Kyiv, in the mid-fifties, a representative of the French President Charles de Gaulle arrived and presented Shlonimsky with the Order of the Legion of Honor.

Such was the fate of my friend.

G.K.:
- The Krasnodar School - KAU - before the war, it seemed like an anti-aircraft gun?

IDA.:
- Yes. But at the beginning of the war, it was repurposed to train commanders for the PTA and for 120-mm mortars. The school was turned into an artillery-mortar school. There were no specialists in 120-mm mortars at the school.

The school was commanded by Major General Stepanov, probably the oldest combatant general of the Red Army. Stepanov was a participant in the Russo-Japanese War. Two meters tall, with a broad gray beard, he often gathered front-line cadets, and listened to the story of each of us about the sector of the front in which the cadet had to take the fight. Then he said: “Oh, lads, you don’t know how to fight! Who is holding the defense like that?!” and told military tricks from his combat experience.

G.K.:
- How strong was the training of cadets?

IDA.:
“For six months of study, we were well prepared for the war on 120-mm mortars.

There was also a general course of artillery firing, so I managed to shoot from 45 mm, from 76 mm, and even from a howitzer. We were prepared very intensively.

We did not starve, the school had several collective farms-chiefs who sent vegetables for the cadets.

This is how they were saved from hunger.

In early May 1942, the graduates were dressed in soldier's uniforms, given tarpaulin boots, and I, as part of a group of 30 commanders, was sent to the Volkhov Front.

I was awarded the rank of junior lieutenant, with certification for the position of deputy battery commander. Our group ended up in the 13th Cavalry Corps.

I was assigned to the 828th separate artillery and anti-tank battalion of the 87th KD.

76 mm horse-drawn guns. Battalion commander Zenkov, a week after my arrival at the front, was recalled from the front line. He was a former scientist, assistant professor at the university, and was requested to work in the rear. I had to take command of the battery.

G.K.
- Did you also experience the tragedy of the 2nd Shock Army?

IDA.:
- No, due to my great luck, I didn’t get into the “Luban cauldron” itself, although more than half of the corps disappeared there ... crossing, I had to... Death Valley... I can't find words to convey what was going on there. The pitch hell cannot be compared with the horror that we had to see with our own eyes.

We stood on direct fire and hit the Germans, who from the forest, from two sides, shot from machine guns and guns a “corridor”, three hundred meters wide, along which the fighters of the Second Shock were going to break through.

The forest is on fire, the swamp in front of us is on fire, the sky is not visible because of the smoke.

We are being shelled and bombed, all the crews have been knocked out of action for the third time.

And before us are many hundreds, and maybe thousands of our corpses. Those who were lucky enough to get out of the encirclement simply ran and crawled over the corpses of their comrades. Solid flooring in two rolls from the bodies of the dead and wounded.

Terrible carnage. Hell. There are corpses everywhere. Stench...

Even in the summer of forty-one, and after, near Sinyavin, near Voronovo, in the area of ​​​​the Kruglaya grove, surrounded on the Oder bridgehead, on the Zeelovsky heights - I have not seen anything like this in the most terrible battles.
It is very painful for me to remember those June days of 1942...

In fact, skeletons came out of the encirclement, distraught with hunger. They were not allowed to eat right away, only a piece of bread and a small scoop of porridge. They immediately ate this ration or hid it under the swamp moss ... and again stood in line for bread. Many then died in writhing from intestinal volvulus. A few days later, those who emerged from the encirclement unwounded and could stand on their feet were again driven forward under German bullets as part of a consolidated shock detachment. No one came out of this fight intact ...

I saw it all... And I can't forget to this day, even though I would like to...

Let's change the subject...

G.K.:
- According to memoirs, the 13th Cavalry Corps was disbanded in the summer of 1942. The reasons are called different: from the loss of the banner to the loss of personnel by 95%.

IDA.:
- I do not have information about the reasons for the disbandment of the corps.

I know for sure that the banner of the division was taken out on his body by Captain Borya Goldstein, and the banner of our regiment was preserved and taken out of the encirclement by Captain Nikolai Malakhov.

For this, Malakhov received the Order of the BKZ, and Goldstein was not given any reward for this feat. Borya's surname is probably too long and did not fit on the award sheet.

By winter, the 327th SD was created from the cavalrymen, which, after breaking the blockade, became the 64th Guards SD. General Polyakov commanded our division, and General Gusev commanded the corps.

We were taken to the rear to a new formation of the 8th Army (an analogue of the 2nd UA), which was also hastily created again. In December 1942, we were already part of the 2nd UA.

I was called to the division headquarters and ordered to create a battery of 120-mm mortars in our 1098th regiment. In cavalry units, mortars of this caliber were not previously in service.

G.K.:
- How was the battery formed?

IDA.:
- Instead of the usual four mortars per battery, I received six.
I demanded from the chief of artillery to give me educated people from all divisions of the regiment in order to have time in a few weeks to quickly train personnel in firing from 120-mm mortars. They sent eight Russians and five Jews. All are literate, with a certain pre-war educational qualification.

Took a few "oldies" out of my 76mm battery.

Arrived to replenish the battery and 25 prisoners from the camps of Northern Kazakhstan. Our division was then replenished by 70% with non-amnestied prisoners, who were obliged to “atone for their guilt with blood before the Soviet government” in battle ... My new battery was taken to the forest, and I began to train the fighters. Approximately 70 personnel, namely: six crews of five people each, the rest - a control platoon, signalmen, drivers, and so on.

G.K.:
- Were there any problems with the criminal replenishment?

IDA.:
- Only upon the arrival of the prisoners at the battery.

We had the entire weekly supply of food stored in the cook's dugout. Security was not posted. The next day, after the “knife and ax workers” and “pocket pull specialists” joined our ranks, in the morning, the battery cook came running and said: “Everything was stolen! All that was left was tea and some sugar!” I took the battery out for breakfast. We sat down at a long wooden table. I tell the guys: “We didn’t save the provisions, let’s drive teas. Sugar, thank God, is available, and in a week, maybe they will throw us cereals and crackers. We drank tea. In the afternoon - "ate" tea. In the evening - they "killed the worm" with tea.

In the morning, the cook comes up and whispers in my ear: "Almost all the products are in place."

In the ranks were several convicts from the replenishment with bruises on their faces. He asked them: “Did you go hand-to-hand, or something?” In response, all, as one, declared: “I fell in the dark in a dugout, hit a log” ... I tell them: “You are our pilots, not mortarmen. You fly in dugouts at night ... Bon appetit to everyone!

Yes, and I myself was, as they say, "my own on the board", treated the soldiers without swagger and arrogance.

There is one more aspect: there were almost no small punks among them. The leader of this group was the "godfather in law", the former commander of partisan formations and brigade commander during the Civil War, the Siberian Smirnov. He was convicted in the early thirties under the “household” article, and over time, in the camps, he rose steeply up in the criminal hierarchy, having unquestioned authority among the criminals. Smirnov was a decent man.

Among the prisoners who arrived there were eight people who were in camps under the “political” Article 58. People are decent and cultured.

I had the right to apply for amnesty to the prisoners for the courage shown in the battles, which I did already in September 1942.

G.K.:
- Were the "political" sent to the front?

I met repeatedly with the former commander of the penalty boxes, Yefim Golbreich. He claims in his interview that there have never been “enemies of the people” convicted under Article 58 among the prisoners who arrived in his penal company.

IDA.:
“We had a lot of them. True, with terms of imprisonment of no more than eight years. Among the prisoners who arrived at the battery were three Jews. Actually, I was a little surprised, the Jews are law-abiding people, and these people did not look like “typical Odessa bandits from Moldavanka”. Curiosity took over. The folders with the personal files of the prisoners lay in my dugout. Decided to read. And it turns out that a third of those who arrived were convicted under Article 58, but before they were sent to the front, they were given a gossip and the political article was reclassified into a domestic one. From the "enemies of the people" they made friends of the working people, a rifle in their hands and forward - "to defend the gains of Soviet power."
I will give examples of the same three guys that I just talked about.

One of them, a very young boy, arrived at the front without a word (!), sentenced to a "five-year plan", as ChSIR - "a member of the family of traitors to the Motherland."

Another, former lieutenant, commander of a fire platoon (or calculation) at a military airfield. Convicted under Article 58 for the fact that German bombers burned the airfield, and his platoon could not put out the fire.
According to gossip - an article "for negligence."

The third - in August of the forty-first he left the encirclement. During interrogation in the Special Department, he knocked down a particularly zealous and impudent investigator with a stool, but not to death. Article 58, paragraph "terror", was changed to "political hooliganism." His name was Boris Khenkin, we met by chance already here, about ten years ago.

There were several more people, as they said then, jokers - "for the language", initially convicted of "counter-revolutionary agitation and propaganda."

G.K.:
- Which of this "camp" replenishment do you still especially remember?

IDA.:
- Kombrig Smirnov. Unique personality. A non-commissioned officer in the First World War, a man without education, but gifted. During the Civil War, he was appointed commander-in-chief Trotsky to command a brigade. For his bravery, Smirnov was personally awarded the golden inscribed weapon by Trotsky.

The two of us often had frank conversations. He told me a lot about his life, he opened my eyes to many things. He idolized Trotsky, told me that if it were not for Lev Davidovich, there would be no Soviet power and the Red Army.

Trotsky knew how to organize troops and inspire them to fight.

This is not Voroshilov with a Mauser near Luga ...

Whether Smirnov survived the war, I still don't know for sure.

A peculiar person was Smolkevich, who became our radio operator. Courageous, smart, risk-averse. He was originally from the Smolensk region. He dropped out due to a wound at the beginning of forty-three, and we corresponded with him at one time. They helped him receive the Order of the Red Star, to which he was presented for breaking the blockade.

Sasha Shaikhutdinov, before the war, a swindler - a "freemason". There was one story that for the loss of a battery horse during the bombing, I could be put on trial. Then Shaikhutdinov stole a horse in the stable from the commander. And saved me, and the honor of the battery. It's a very interesting story, but I'll tell it some other time. Sasha survived. He found me after the war and wrote in a letter how my battery and my last “Volkhov old men” died at the beginning of 1945 near Koenigsberg.

G.K.:
- What was the command composition of the battery?

IDA.:
- My deputy, junior lieutenant Sergo Georgievich Melkadze, a Georgian, a very brave officer, started the war as a regular soldier, an ordinary cavalryman.

Killed in action in March 1943.

Platoon commander - Lev Libov. Jewish, former musician. A good, brave and sincere person. He was seriously wounded at the end of the war.

Whether he survived or not, I never found out.

The platoon commander is a Tatar Sasha Kamaleev, a nice guy. He was seriously wounded and, according to rumors, died in the hospital after being wounded.

I remember very well Lamzaki, a Greek from the Crimea, a talented poet, distinguished by sniper shooting. In August 1943 he was still alive. Then I was wounded, I did not return to my division, and what became of Lamzaki I do not know. Khenkin and Shaikhutdinov also did not know about his future fate.

The political commissar of the battery was a Buryat. But soon an order was issued "on the preservation of the small peoples of the North", and he was mistakenly, under this order, transferred to the rear. After him, a simple soldier, an elderly Leningrad worker, Boris Nikolaevich Shchelkin, became a political instructor. Wonderful person.

He collected the personnel of the battery, brought a newspaper with another article by our beloved Ehrenburg and said: “We will find out what Ilyusha writes to us.” Read articles like a good actor. He didn’t bother the fighters with any other “commissar propaganda”, knowing full well that “the prisoners don’t need a political instructor!”.

After I was wounded, the battery was commanded by Vasily Ivanovich Sukhov, who died in the forty-fifth.

You can still remember a lot of guys...

G.K.:
- You said that the battery was multinational. Have there been conflicts on this basis?

IDA.:
– There was no such thing. Most of the soldiers on the battery were Russians.

But, for example, there were eight Jews: Grinberg, Goldstein, Wasserman, Libov, Khenkin, and others ... A fighter Grisha Orlov came to us, it seems, he has a Slavic appearance and a Russian surname, but it turns out that he is also a Jew. There was a Greek, a Georgian, a few Uzbeks.

There were three Ukrainians: Gorbenko, Ivanitsa, Kotsubinsky. Three Tatars: Sasha Kamaleev, Sasha Mukhametzhanov, Shaikhutdinov. There was a large group of Kazakhs - 10 people. So, our battery looked like a real international. We were one family. The battery in the regiment was called "Izina Battery". Even Mehlis, when he heard this, reacted adequately.

It was difficult for soldiers from distant Asian villages and auls to adapt to the Volkhov forests and swamps. Plus the language barrier...

We tried our best to make them happy. They cut down a gazebo, called it a tea house, and even got bowls for tea drinking! But Melkadze arranged a real holiday for them. In our division, in the DOP (divisional exchange office), his fellow countryman from Georgia was the head.

He gave Melkadze a small bag of rice and carrots. The cook cooked pilaf with horsemeat for the soldiers. You cannot understand now how happy our comrades in arms, the Kazakhs and Uzbeks, were at that moment.

G.K.:
- How difficult was it to use 120 mm mortars in swampy and wooded areas?

IDA.:
- The main role in the war in defense on the Volkhov front was assigned to artillery.

The tanks simply sank in the swamps. They were often buried in the ground along the line of defense, using them as pillboxes. Yes, and on our entire front, as I remember, there were only four tank brigades. Sappers cut down clearings in the forests in order to somehow ensure the delivery to the front line of everything necessary for the life of soldiers and for the war.

Around impenetrable swamps. There were no roads, they laid gati, and along these floors they carried ammunition and food to the front line. A little the car “left” from the flooring to the side, so it was immediately sucked into the quagmire. The shells were worth their weight in gold. I remember that when I was still a 76-mm battalion commander, how many nerves it cost me to knock out two full ammunition sets from the chief of artillery of the division, Major Pliev. The connection was often laid along the gati, too, and was disgusting. Linear cable communication was constantly torn.
We had a walkie-talkie, but there was no radio operator. It’s good that at least Libov understood radio communications, and then he taught two soldiers to work on the radio.

It was extremely difficult to use 120-mm mortars in swamps. The minimum firing range of these mortars is only 500 meters. But they could only shoot at close targets from hard, dry ground, otherwise, after the third shot, the “heel” of the mortar completely went into the ground due to strong recoil, even if we used “shields” from boards, placing them under the mortar. In the same place the earth, as "jelly". They always put us in open positions, on direct fire, on high-rises, or 100 meters behind infantry positions. After each shot, a smoky plume stretches behind the mine, completely unmasking the mortar crew. The mortar is heavy, it is unrealistic to change position instantly, and no one allowed us to do that then. So they immediately received hurricane fire on the battery from the Germans in response ...

And if the Germans are 300 meters away from you, then there is no chance at all to survive.

You can’t put a mortar at a right angle, it will immediately tip over.

Several times, the batterymen had to engage in shooting combat, as ordinary infantry. Once, at dawn, a German reconnaissance group of twelve people came to our firing positions, and we quickly killed them. My convicts were not taken aback. We were lucky in that fight.

G.K.:
- What did you do to somehow save yourself in this situation?

IDA.:
- Forced to dig trenches to their full height, instead of cells.

I put mortars in funnels to somehow reduce losses. And many more "nuances".

Do you want examples? When they put 120-mm mortars on direct fire, demand a written order from the nachart.

Occasionally this worked, the chief of artillery or the regiment commander began to wonder whether it was worth ruining the battery, was it necessary to bring artillerymen into open space in front of the Germans?

It was in the infantry that they didn’t ask anyone for losses, but at the artillery headquarters they could ask how the materiel was lost? But human lives, the fate of calculations, they were not particularly interested. For them we were “personnel”, an inanimate concept. If the battery dies, nothing terrible has happened for the chiefs, the factories in the Urals are working - they will send new guns, and there are enough military registration and enlistment offices and people in Russia - they will “scrape” new people into the army.

G.K.:
- Do you remember the battles for Voronovo in August-September of 1942?

IDA.:
- Classic carnage. All the time I was in infantry formations, to adjust the fire. Again, crowds of soldiers were driven into frontal attacks, and again, having lost all the infantry, ours rolled back. When we took Voronovo, I looked back at the battlefield and could hardly comprehend what I saw. Again - corpses, corpses, corpses. On every square meter...

I had to repeatedly lead the infantry on the attack there. We run forward "with hostility", shout "Hurrah!", We choke in our own blood. And then the Germans, silently go on a counterattack, knock us out of the captured positions. It got to the point that I kept the gun in my hand all the time in order to have time to shoot myself and not be captured.

And my battery got there, on direct fire. Six people were killed and eight seriously injured. There was no point in capturing Voronovo!.. I had to leave it anyway...

They sat on the defensive until January. They were terribly hungry.

G.K.:
- For breaking the blockade, your division became a guard division. In the memoirs of one of the participants in the breakthrough near Sinyavin, I read one phrase - "... in the division, for a week of fighting, only 300 people remained in the ranks ...". What happened there? With the singing of the "Internationale" to machine guns, as on the Leningrad Front?

IDA.:
- On January 1, 1943, we, twenty artillerymen and infantry commanders from our division, arrived at the front line to prepare the transfer of the defense line. They put firing points, compared maps, marked places for covert deployment of artillery batteries.

On January 10, the division concentrated on positions. The division created an assault detachment of volunteers. 200 people, almost all of the prisoners. The detachment was commanded by my friend, deputy battalion commander, captain Boris Goldstein, a man of great stature and physical strength, nicknamed "Borya and a half bear."

The German defense in our area was created for 16 months, and it was incredibly difficult to ram it. On the morning of January 12, 1943, a long artillery preparation began, under the cover of which, following the barrage, the assault group crawled to the 1st line of German trenches and at 11-00 in a swift throw, in hand-to-hand combat, captured part of the trench. And then rifle battalions went in thick chains. I do not remember that the singing of the "Internationale" was heard from the loudspeakers along the front line ...

And the Germans, there is a continuous line of pillboxes that could not be suppressed during the artillery preparation. And every meter of ground was shot by German artillery and machine gunners. Mine fields. Again heaps of dead bodies...

And then our regimental commander Koryagin “distinguished himself” ... If we took the first line of German defense in our sector with relatively “little bloodshed”, then later ...

G.K.:
- What are we talking about?

IDA.:
- The commander of the regiment, Major Koryagin Sergei Mikhailovich, was a very experienced warrior, but absolutely illiterate in military affairs. He went with the Order of the BKZ on his chest, back in the Civil War. Always drunk, already several times demoted from lieutenant colonel to major for "exploits in the alcoholic field", Koryagin was a typical "throat", and could only swear at his subordinates and yell: "Forward, your mother!" His command ceiling was nothing more than a company command, but Koryagin was trusted by the regiments. Ruining his regiment in an hour or two was a trifling matter for him. Koryagin was personally a brave man, he himself always went ahead, but the interaction of units in battle or the use of artillery was a "dark forest" for him. You can’t even imagine how many of our losses are on the conscience of such “throats”!

Our chief of staff, the clever and cunning Kuznetsov, always led the battle instead of Koryagin. Yes, and our commissar to some extent kept the regimental commander from "drunken heroism." But Kuznetsov died in the first minutes of the offensive... The Commissar was also killed.

When ours broke into the first German trench, less than 15 people remained from Goldstein's group. Borya himself received a bullet wound in the face. He was taken to the sanitary battalion and there he was awarded the Order of the Red Banner.

The soldiers immediately settled down in luxuriously equipped warm German dugouts and dugouts, which impressed us with their well-being. Someone immediately began to celebrate success.

I repeat, every meter of ground was shot there. I understood what would happen next. I ordered immediately, the entire battery, to settle in fresh craters from our bombs. People looked at me with displeasure, but after twenty minutes they had the opportunity to assess the correctness of my decision. The Germans launched a powerful artillery strike on the former "own" first line. Each projectile landed accurately. For more than a year spent in one place, the Germans knew well every fold of the earth, and they did not need time to zero in ...

Here the hour of death came for many soldiers of the regiment ...

But the grove "Round" must be taken completely! The order to reach the workers' settlement No. 5 and No. 7 has not been canceled. And Koryagin led the people forward ...

We were accompanied by a tank brigade, in which by the evening there was not a single whole tank left.

Already on the third day of the continuous assault, all artillery officers in the regiment were killed and wounded, except for me. The chief of artillery, Major Duvanov, died along with his assistants. A direct hit by a shell in the dugout where the gunners were. On the very first day of the offensive, the commanders of the 76-mm Vashchugin battery and the 45-mm Vasin battery were wounded. All the commanders of the rifle battalions were killed.

I had to take command of the artillery of the regiment. But what to command!?

I somehow managed to save my battery, the losses in it were only 40%, and I didn’t give my batteries to the infantry ... Ten people remained on the 76-mm battery, but the guns survived.

Crawled under fire on a 45-mm battery. All are killed.

Only torn and burnt corpses at the firing position.

I see from the surviving gun there is one living fighter, I still remember his name.

Sergey Polikarpovich Ivanov.

Ivanov single-handedly loaded the cannon and fired from the forty-five. They started shooting along with him. After that, I recruited several volunteers in the 76-mm regimental battery to help Ivanov.

I introduced Ivanov to the Order of the BKZ, and he was given only a medal "For Military Merit".

All divisional rear services were sent to replenish the rifle units. Drivers, storekeepers, clerks, cooks, shoemakers, and even employees of the divisional post office and the editorial office of the newspaper. Everyone!.. Only the divisional bakery was not touched.

The rest of the companies were commanded by sergeants. The Germans were constantly counterattacking, hitting our flanks. January 18, 1943 in the regiment, not counting the gunners, remained in the ranks of sergeants and privates - 56 people! .. Five officers for the entire regiment. There was no one to connect with the Leningraders. We were replaced by skiers and the 80th SD. Only on skis it was impossible to go there. The whole earth was pitted with shells and bombs, snow was nowhere to be seen.

We paid a very high, terrible price for breaking the blockade...

On January 19, we were taken to the rear. I asked myself - how did I manage to survive in these battles? .. and did not find an answer ...

G.K.:
- How was your participation in these battles marked?

IDA.:
- Medal "For Courage".

All three battery commanders of the regiment were presented with the orders of Alexander Nevsky. Vashchugin and Vasin received these orders, and they reacted to my introduction at the division headquarters as follows: “This is the order of an Orthodox saint, and there is nothing to give to a Jew!” The details of this episode were told to me in full.

Then in January, I was awarded the rank of senior lieutenant.

G.K.:
- What happened to you next?

IDA.:
- Until mid-February, we were on reorganization. And then again on the offensive, but already unsuccessful. There was even an attempt to send our 191st Guards Rifle Regiment on a raid on the German rear, but ... nothing came of it. Together with the tankers, we broke through to the Mga-Kirishi railway, and we were cut off from our units. Nobody came to our aid... Again terrible battles, again terrible losses.

All to no avail...

Only the regiment was lost again. If I tell you the details of those battles... Better not... Believe me, better not... Once again we were thrown to the enemy to be devoured...

Then my close friend Melkadze died.

We were transferred to Sinyavino. Until August 1943, we again continuously attacked the German positions. And then I got hurt.

G.K.:
- Circumstances of injury?

IDA.:
- German cuckoo snipers raged along the entire front line. In one small area, they didn’t give us a place to live at all. We decided to put things in order there.

From the NP of the company commander, I did not see well the German positions and the section of the forest from which merciless sniper fire was fired. Crawled to the fighters in the trench of outposts. The Germans are 70 meters away. I carefully watch the forest through binoculars. The Germans keep throwing grenades in our direction, but they can't deliver them. Too far.

I was pulled back. Vision was lost...

I ended up in the Leningrad hospital No. 711 at the Academy of Medical Sciences, in a specialized ophthalmological department. They did several surgeries on my left eye. Two months later, vision on the left began to partially recover.

The atmosphere in the office was terrible. Dozens of blind young guys. There were many cases of suicide, people preferred death, but no one wanted to live as a blind cripple ... There I first lit a cigarette from terrible stress, so I still “tar” two packs a day ...

A few months later, I was sent to finish treatment at the Red Army sanatorium near Moscow in Ramenskoye. The head of the sanatorium was Andrey Sverdlov, son of Yakov Sverdlov.

There I met and became friends with a wonderful man. Kalmyk, wounded in the legs. Senior Lieutenant Pyurya Muchkaevich Erdniev, awarded the medal "For Courage". He had one leg amputated. Before the war, he managed to finish the Moscow State Pedagogical Institute, and after it, like me, he became the director of the school.

Upon discharge from the sanatorium, Erdniev received an order to also go to Yakutia.

He was somehow urgently called in the winter to Yakutsk, to the NKVD. We had to walk forty kilometers.

And Erdniev went on foot, on a prosthesis. Got caught in a blizzard, covered in snow. By a lucky chance, he was found in a snowdrift, pumped out. It turned out after the reason for the urgent call. Erdniev was to be awarded the Order of the Red Star, who was looking for him from the front. After Stalin's death, Erdniev returned to Kalmykia, became a doctor of pedagogical sciences. The most interesting thing is that at the end of the sixties our sons ended up serving in the army in one unit, and also became close friends. Thanks to this meeting, I found Erdniev again.

By the way, when I served in the 1st BF, I registered my two Kalmyks from the reconnaissance battery as Uzbeks by agreement with the PNSh on personnel records in order to prevent their deportation to Siberia.

G.K.:
- You were commissioned from the army due to injury?

IDA.:
- No. I was recognized by the medical board as "fit for service in the rear" and was sent to serve as the commander of a battery of naval guns in the Protection of the Water Region of the LVMB. But I didn't feel at ease. The command of heavy long-range naval guns requires special training, which I did not have. I applied with a report on command with a request to be transferred to another unit and was soon sent to the 46th Artillery Reserve Regiment stationed in Pargolovo. The regiment was still in the royal barracks. I was given a two-room apartment in the village. ZAP trained artillerymen and mortarmen from infantry discharged from hospitals. The mobilization resource of Leningrad was completely exhausted long ago, and we had almost no young conscripts. A month of preparation, a marching company - and to the front. People in ZAP were starving, although the blockade had been broken long ago. Most of the commanders in the ZAP spent the entire war in the rear, and the appearance of wounded front-line soldiers in the regiment to replace them was perceived by them with discontent. For the “rear front” this meant one thing: “take an overcoat ... and fight for the Motherland!” ... They didn’t really want to fight, they all had families, but here - “we fall on their heads” ... The atmosphere was unfriendly .

I got bored there. He filed several reports with a request to be sent to the front line.

In the summer of 1944, I was called to the general who was recruiting experienced gunners for the 1st BF to organize separate reconnaissance fire control batteries. Talked to me. We were selected by nine people from all over the Leningrad Front. In early September, I was already near Warsaw, in the 169th howitzer brigade, in the 14th artillery division of the RGK breakthrough under the command of Major General Bryukhanov.

G.K.:
- You honestly fought for a year and a half by that time, you were wounded several times, you lost an eye in battle. A soldier with such an injury was immediately "commissioned for a clean one." Officers with lost vision in one eye were used only in the rear. Examples of attack pilot Lieutenant Drachenko and infantryman Major Rapoport from the Red Army, Japanese fighter pilot Saburo Sakai or English special forces Moshe Dayan, who continued to fight after such a wound on the front, are most likely an exception to the rule. Why did you decide to return to the front?

IDA.:
- There are several reasons for that.
First, it's boring in the rear.

Secondly, when they saw that a Jew was in the rear, the anti-Semites immediately began to tear their throats: “The Jews are hiding in Tashkent!” And it doesn't matter that one hundred Ukrainians, two hundred and fifty Russians or thirty-seven Uzbeks will serve in the rear next to you.

Only a Jew will point a finger.

And they will accuse of insufficient patriotism or of wanting to evade only a Jew from the front line... According to the "old Russian tradition"... For some "comrades" it was easier to die or hang on the nearest forest bough than to admit the fact that Jews fight no worse others, and in the forty-first year and in the forty-second year they often fought better than many ...

In this ZAP, anti-Semitism was rampant.

When I heard how the commander of the ZAP, by the name of Gorokhov, said to his PNSh, a disabled Jew with a leg crippled at the front, the phrase: “What kind of orders did you spread for me here, like in a shtetl synagogue?”, I immediately understood - in this regiment I have nothing to do...

G.K.:
- And how often have you heard such statements addressed to you about “Jews in Tashkent”?

IDA.:
- Personally, I rarely. On the front lines, I never heard such nonsense.

When it comes to life and death, no one divides his comrades by nationality.

In all the units where I had to fight, there were many Jews. If someone there aloud allowed himself such speeches, we would soon “calm him down” for sure.

At the end of the war, I also had enough Jews in my reconnaissance battery: the commander of the reconnaissance platoon, Lieutenant Radzievsky, the reconnaissance officer Sasha Zaslavsky, and a couple of other people.

None of us hid our nationality. People saw how we were fighting and even the most ardent anti-Semites kept quiet.

And what about the phrase, adored by the "rear guards", self-seekers and market drunkards: "... Jews are hiding from the war in Tashkent ..."

Indeed, many evacuated Jews concentrated in Central Asia.

But it is difficult to explain to every redneck that three hundred thousand Polish and Romanian Jewish refugees were evacuated to Central Asia: women, children, old people who did not have Soviet citizenship and young male refugees were not subject to conscription into the Red Army ... Foreigners ...

They were rarely taken into Anders' army. More than twenty thousand Polish Jews volunteered for the Soviet army before 1943, the rest were drafted in 1943 into the Polish Army.

In 1946, former Polish citizens were allowed to return to Poland, and from there many immediately left for Palestine. So, during the Israeli War of Independence, the so-called "Russian battalions" appeared, made up of Polish and Lithuanian Jews, former experienced fighters of the Soviet Army, who passed from Stalingrad to Berlin.

Former subjects of "boyar Romania" began to be called up only in the forty-fourth year, but they were considered "unreliable" until the end of the war, and half of them were sent to serve in the Far East or in construction battalions.

But the cheap myth lives on: "All Jews fought in Tashkent!"

G.K.:
- What about the case with the Order of Alexander Nevsky? Or the story with your submission to the highest rank of the GSS, for the battles at the Oder bridgehead, when you twice called fire on yourself, repelling a German tank attack? Instead of the title of Hero of the Soviet Union, you were given only the Order of the Red Star. The answer from the central archive lies on the table in front of me.

The award sheet for the GSS is still probably intact, with the resolution of the front commander: “Replace!” gathering dust in the MO archive. Was it embarrassing?

IDA.:
- I am now 84 years old (interview was taken in 2006 - from the editors of "VO"). Do you really think that after so many years after the end of the war, I am now worried about the award topic and everything connected with it? And even then, only one thing was important to me: not what they gave, but for what they gave.

And I don’t even want to discuss the story of the presentation at the GSS. I don't think that if I had a Hero's Star on my jacket, I would be happier in life...

Let's have the next question.

G.K.:
- What was a separate reconnaissance fire control battery?

Which of the personnel of the reconnaissance battery do you especially remember?

IDA.:
- Such a battery was created in the singular for the entire division of the RGK.

We were part of the 169th GAB.

Four platoons: reconnaissance platoon (including instrumental reconnaissance squad), line communications platoon, radio communications platoon with three radios, topographic platoon. We didn't have a "sound reconnaissance" platoon. According to the list on the battery, there were about seventy people, but there were a little more than forty available. All three signalmen, who were in the radio platoon, had long ago become PZh with different authorities, and we never saw them on the battery. There were about twenty more "dead souls". According to all lists, the soldier is listed under my command, but in fact he serves as a servant at the headquarters of the division as some kind of supernumerary clerk, cook, or sheathes and shaves the authorities. I did not demand the return of the nets to the battery. It is easier to fight without such ballast. God be their judge...

We prepared twenty people on our battery capable of working on a walkie-talkie.

The reconnaissance platoon was commanded by Radzievsky, a native of Zaporozhye. The commander of the radio platoon was Vanya Sidorov. The battery had its own political officer named Sidorenko. We had another officer, a senior lieutenant, a bitter drunkard who lived before the war in the suburbs. He amazed me with his courage and categoricalness in his statements about the war and "our valiant command." He seemed to be a good person, but... later, it turned out that this senior lieutenant kept "knocking" on us at the political department and "special officers". When it turned out that we were dealing with a provocateur and a "snitch", when we uncovered the "spoiled Cossack", he was immediately transferred to another division ... The "special officers" managed to fuss.

Very brave scout guys served on the battery: Sergey Surkov, Vasily Vedeneev, Ivan Solovyov, Alexander Zaslavsky. I always took these guys with me to the front line in the thick of it, and they did not let me down.

G.K.:
- How powerful was your 169th Howitzer Artillery Brigade?

Who commanded the brigade?

IDA.:
- There were six divisions in the brigade. Divisions 122mm, 152mm, and four divisions PTA - 76mm, each division has three batteries. But if the 122-mm and 152-mm batteries had four guns each, then the 76-mm batteries had a six-gun composition. The brigade always had a Katyusha division under its operational control. During the conduct of the battle, the brigade was usually exposed to one kilometer of the front line.

So you can imagine what a huge power we are talking about.

The brigade was commanded by Colonel Pyotr Vasilyevich Pevnev for a long time. In 1937 Major Pevnev was repressed and arrested. He was not imprisoned or shot, but simply demoted, and then fired from the army. Lucky man. Pevnev began the war with the rank of captain. He was a skilled artilleryman. After the war, Colonel Glavinsky took command of the brigade.

G.K.:
- How do you assess the role of commissars in the war?

IDA.:
- I did not meet among them bright personalities after 1942.

In our 191st Guards. The joint venture, the commissars changed every month, Koryakin could not stand them.

I do not remember that after the summer of forty-two, before my eyes, some commissar with a "sleeper" in his buttonhole personally led the soldiers into the attack.

And all sorts of regimental agitators there were engaged only in lecture propaganda.

Before the introduction of unity of command, the situation in the army was generally unbearable. The commander and the commissar of the unit write a combat report together, but the commissar still writes a separate political report to his authorities. So the commander is spinning, like “fried crucian carp in a frying pan”, puzzling over what kind of compromising evidence the political instructor “dashed” on him. Either appease the commissar with an order, or beg for a new political worker.

In the artillery brigade, all political officers arrived at the front in 1944 from the Far East. They were called "children of Apanasenko". The commander of the DVKA, Apanasenko, demanded from all political workers who served in the East a thorough knowledge of military equipment and weapons of their kind of troops. For example, the commissar of an artillery regiment underwent a long special artillery training and could easily replace the regiment commander if he failed in battle.

At the front, they quickly occupied combat positions, replacing the dead commanders. So, for example, the former political instructor Major Mironov became the chief of staff of the 169th GAB. But regular professional artillerymen returned from hospitals or arrived at the front for combatant command positions, and former political workers were again returned "to distribute leaflets and party cards."

In my rifle regiment there was a young company commander Vasya Voroshilov, a Muscovite. He was appointed commander of the regiment. But, he was never able to change the stereotype of the behavior of an infantry commander, he always went first on the attack and was soon killed.

But, in general, like many soldiers who fought on the front line, my attitude towards the political staff remained very, very cool.

When I heard their calls: "For Stalin!", It was difficult for me to restrain the mat.

No one fought personally for Stalin! The people fought against Hitler!

People fought for their land!

G.K.:
- Did you have to deal with SMERSH employees closely?

IDA.:
- It didn't work without it. There was also an audience...

We have seen enough executions on the Volkhov front.

There, for any trifle, there was one measure of punishment - execution ... The village was not taken - execution. Left the position - execution ... And so on ...

Even for the loss of a sapper shovel, they could be put on trial by a tribunal.

And at the end of the war, the "specialists" did not differ in laziness ...

I remember one lieutenant from our brigade was arrested and tried in the tribunal for a joke. The content of the anecdote is as follows.

Moscow, railway station, the train is late for a day.

They ask the commandant of the station: "What's the matter, why such a big delay?"

In response: "What to do ... War" ...

Berlin, train station, the train arrives ten minutes ahead of schedule.

They ask the commandant of the station the same question. In response: "What to do ... War" ...

The question is, what is criminal and anti-Soviet in such an anecdote?

But this lieutenant got his three months in the penal battalion, at the suggestion of our "special officer" for "enemy propaganda" ...

On the Oder, a drunken "special officer" slept all the time in my dugout, afraid to climb out into the light of day alone, so as not to get a bullet in the back. The “special officers” even had an order “on self-protection”, which forbade movement without armed escort at any time of the day.

After all, they settled scores with the “specialists” at every opportunity. I remember such things...

And I remember very well.

There is so much more to be said on this topic, but why talk about it now ...

G.K.:
- You started the war in 1941, you were among those who took the first blow from the fascist enemy. What feelings did you experience while fighting on German soil?

IDA.:
- And what feelings should a soldier of the forty-first year experience, having come to accursed Berlin?

Of course, I was proud and happy that I had reached the fascist lair.

But until the very last minute of the war, I did not hope to survive, and waited for "my" bullet or shrapnel. Too many of my comrades died right before my eyes in the war, so I had no reason to suddenly believe in my invulnerability.

On the Kyustra bridgehead, I was lying with two scouts and a radio operator on the ground between German tanks, having caused the fire of the brigade on myself not for the first time, and I understood that they would kill me now. The infantry battalion I was in had already died almost completely. At that moment I did not feel any special fear of death, too often they had already tried to kill me in the war. Two and a half years at the forefront!..

Only one thought in my head: “How so! Quite a bit did not reach Berlin ... "

I was a witness and a direct participant in the breakthrough at the Seelow Heights. The whole earth in front of us was pitted with funnels of bombs and shells, from which the arms and legs of our dead soldiers protruded, shreds of torn human bodies at every meter ...

On April 20, we entered Berlin with a fight. The city was on fire. A huge poster hung: "Berlin remains German!" White flags hung from the windows.

We move inexorably forward, and nearby, from a burning house, someone shouts in German: “hilfe!” (help!), but none of us slowed down.

There was a fair retribution.

I looked at the faces of the Germans, at their rich houses, at the well-groomed beautiful streets, and could not understand: why did they start a war?!

What did they miss?! We went into some two-story mansion, set up an NP in it. The decor in the house, according to our concepts, was more than chic. The owner of the house worked as a simple machinist on the railway.

One of my scouts was also a railroad worker before the war. He was in a state of shock and told me: “All my life I hunched over on a piece of iron and never ate my fill. He made a small room for the whole family in a rotten barrack, and then ... "

On April 26, 1945, our brigade was withdrawn from the city and transferred in the direction of the Elbe. I remember how two days later we met with the American allies. The headquarters of the brigade sent me forward in a jeep to reconnoitre the situation and find out where our infantry was. There they met with those who fought on the Second Front. The cavalrymen, who were the first to meet the allies, had already managed to teach all Americans the phrase in Russian in just an hour: “Is there any vodka?” We drank heartily with Lieutenant Albert Kotzebue, whose platoon was the first to join the Red Army. Communicated with him in Yiddish and in Russian. Kotzebue was a descendant of our emigrants who left for America at the beginning of the century, and his grandfather taught Russian.

None of us spoke English.

The next day, our brigade was again deployed to Berlin to close the encirclement from the western direction.

On May 3, 1945, I signed on the wall of the Reichstag: “Captain Adamsky. Dnepropetrovsk. I signed for all my dead friends and relatives... I stood at the defeated symbol of Nazism and recalled the summer of 1941, my trench near Podvysoky, my fallen political comrades, our last bayonet attack... I remembered my soldiers who died in the Volkhov swamps, on Vistula bridgehead, and many others who did not see this great moment of our Victory ... These people always live in my heart, in my memory. They are right next to me...

German soldiers about Russians.

From Robert Kershaw's 1941 Through the Eyes of the Germans:

“During the attack, we stumbled upon a light Russian T-26 tank, we immediately clicked it right from the 37-graph paper. When we began to approach, a Russian leaned out of the hatch of the tower to the waist and opened fire on us with a pistol. It soon became clear that he was without legs, they were torn off when the tank was hit. And despite this, he fired at us with a pistol! / Artilleryman of an anti-tank gun /

“We almost did not take prisoners, because the Russians always fought to the last soldier. They didn't give up. Their hardening cannot be compared with ours ... ” / Tanker of the Army Group Center /

After a successful breakthrough of the border defenses, the 3rd Battalion of the 18th Infantry Regiment of the Army Group Center, numbering 800 people, was fired upon by a unit of 5 soldiers. “I did not expect anything like this,” the battalion commander, Major Neuhof, admitted to his battalion doctor. “It’s pure suicide to attack the forces of the battalion with five fighters.”

“On the Eastern Front, I met people who can be called a special race. Already the first attack turned into a battle not for life, but for death. / Tanker of the 12th Panzer Division Hans Becker /

“You just won’t believe this until you see it with your own eyes. The soldiers of the Red Army, even burning alive, continued to shoot from the blazing houses. /Officer of the 7th Panzer Division/

“The quality level of Soviet pilots is much higher than expected ... Fierce resistance, its massive nature does not correspond to our initial assumptions” / Major General Hoffmann von Waldau /

“I have never seen anyone angrier than these Russians. Real chain dogs! You never know what to expect from them. And where do they get tanks and everything else?!” / One of the soldiers of Army Group Center /

“The behavior of the Russians, even in the first battle, was strikingly different from the behavior of the Poles and allies who were defeated on the Western Front. Even being in the encirclement, the Russians staunchly defended themselves. /General Günther Blumentritt, Chief of Staff of the 4th Army/

71 years ago, Nazi Germany attacked the USSR. What was our soldier like in the eyes of the enemy - German soldiers? What did the beginning of the war look like from other people's trenches? Very eloquent answers to these questions can be found in a book whose author can hardly be accused of distorting the facts. This is “1941 through the eyes of the Germans. Birch Crosses Instead of Iron Crosses” by the English historian Robert Kershaw, which was recently published in Russia. The book almost entirely consists of the memoirs of German soldiers and officers, their letters home and entries in personal diaries.

Non-commissioned officer Helmut Kolakowski recalls: “Late in the evening, our platoon was gathered in the sheds and announced: “Tomorrow we have to enter the battle with world Bolshevism.” Personally, I was simply amazed, it was like a bolt from the blue, but what about the non-aggression pact between Germany and Russia? I kept thinking of that issue of Deutsche Wochenschau that I saw at home and in which the contract was announced. I could not even imagine how we would go to war against the Soviet Union.” The Fuhrer's order caused surprise and bewilderment among the rank and file. “We can say that we were taken aback by what we heard,” admitted Lothar Fromm, a spotter officer. “We were all, I emphasize this, were amazed and in no way prepared for this.” But bewilderment was immediately replaced by relief from the incomprehensible and tedious waiting on the eastern borders of Germany. Experienced soldiers, who had already captured almost all of Europe, began to discuss when the campaign against the USSR would end. The words of Benno Zeiser, who was then studying to be a military driver, reflect the general mood: “All this will end in some three weeks, we were told, others were more careful in their forecasts - they believed that in 2-3 months. There was one who thought that it would last a whole year, but we laughed at him: “And how long did it take to get rid of the Poles? And with France? Have you forgotten?

But not everyone was so optimistic. Erich Mende, Oberleutnant of the 8th Silesian Infantry Division, recalls a conversation he had with his superior during those last moments of peace. “My commander was twice my age, and he had already had to fight the Russians near Narva in 1917, when he was in the rank of lieutenant. “Here, in these vast expanses, we will find our death, like Napoleon,” he did not hide his pessimism ... Mende, remember this hour, it marks the end of the former Germany.

At 3 hours 15 minutes, the advanced German units crossed the border of the USSR. Johann Danzer, an anti-tank gunner, recalls: “On the very first day, as soon as we went on the attack, one of ours shot himself with his own weapon. Clutching the rifle between his knees, he inserted the barrel into his mouth and pulled the trigger. Thus ended the war and all the horrors associated with it.

The capture of the Brest Fortress was entrusted to the 45th Infantry Division of the Wehrmacht, numbering 17,000 personnel. The garrison of the fortress is about 8 thousand. In the first hours of the battle, reports were pouring in about the successful advance of the German troops and reports of the capture of bridges and fortress structures. At 4 hours 42 minutes "50 people were taken prisoners, all in the same underwear, the war found them in cots." But by 10:50 the tone of the combat documents had changed: "The battle for the capture of the fortress was fierce - numerous losses." 2 battalion commanders have already died, 1 company commander, the commander of one of the regiments was seriously injured.

“Soon, somewhere between 5.30 and 7.30 in the morning, it became completely clear that the Russians were fighting desperately in the rear of our forward units. Their infantry, with the support of 35-40 tanks and armored vehicles, found themselves on the territory of the fortress, formed several centers of defense. Enemy snipers fired accurately from behind trees, from roofs and basements, which caused heavy losses among officers and junior commanders.

“Where the Russians managed to be knocked out or smoked out, new forces soon appeared. They crawled out of basements, houses, from sewer pipes and other temporary shelters, conducted aimed fire, and our losses continuously grew.
The summary of the High Command of the Wehrmacht (OKW) for June 22 reported: "It seems that the enemy, after the initial confusion, is beginning to offer more and more stubborn resistance." OKW Chief of Staff Halder agrees with this: “After the initial “tetanus” caused by the suddenness of the attack, the enemy moved on to active operations.”

For the soldiers of the 45th division of the Wehrmacht, the beginning of the war turned out to be completely bleak: 21 officers and 290 non-commissioned officers (sergeants), not counting the soldiers, died on its very first day. During the first day of fighting in Russia, the division lost almost as many soldiers and officers as during the entire six weeks of the French campaign.

The most successful actions of the Wehrmacht troops were the operation to encircle and defeat the Soviet divisions in the "cauldrons" of 1941. In the largest of them - Kiev, Minsk, Vyazemsky - Soviet troops lost hundreds of thousands of soldiers and officers. But what price did the Wehrmacht pay for this?

General Günther Blumentritt, Chief of Staff of the 4th Army: “The behavior of the Russians, even in the first battle, was strikingly different from the behavior of the Poles and allies who were defeated on the Western Front. Even being in the encirclement, the Russians staunchly defended themselves.

The author of the book writes: “The experience of the Polish and Western campaigns suggested that the success of the blitzkrieg strategy lies in gaining advantages by more skillful maneuvering. Even if we leave out the resources, the morale and the will to resist the enemy will inevitably be broken under the pressure of huge and senseless losses. From this logically follows the mass surrender of the demoralized soldiers who were surrounded. In Russia, however, these "primary" truths were turned upside down by the desperate resistance of the Russians, sometimes reaching fanaticism, in seemingly hopeless situations. That is why half of the offensive potential of the Germans was spent not on advancing towards the goal, but on consolidating the successes that had already been achieved.

The commander of Army Group Center, Field Marshal Fedor von Bock, during the operation to destroy Soviet troops in the Smolensk "cauldron" wrote about their attempts to break out of the encirclement: "A very significant success for the enemy who received such a crushing blow!". The encirclement was not continuous. Two days later, von Bock lamented: "Until now, it has not been possible to close the gap in the eastern section of the Smolensk pocket." That night, about 5 Soviet divisions managed to get out of the encirclement. Three more divisions broke through the next day.

The level of German losses is evidenced by the message of the headquarters of the 7th Panzer Division that only 118 tanks remained in service. 166 vehicles were hit (although 96 were repairable). The 2nd company of the 1st battalion of the "Grossdeutschland" regiment in just 5 days of fighting to hold the line of the Smolensk "cauldron" lost 40 people with a regular company strength of 176 soldiers and officers.

Gradually, the perception of the war with the Soviet Union among ordinary German soldiers also changed. The unbridled optimism of the first days of the fighting was replaced by the realization that "something is going wrong." Then came indifference and apathy. The opinion of one of the German officers: “These vast distances frighten and demoralize the soldiers. Plains, plains, there is no end to them and never will be. That's what drives me crazy."

The troops were also constantly worried by the actions of the partisans, whose number grew as the “boilers” were destroyed. If at first their number and activity were negligible, then after the end of the fighting in the Kiev "cauldron", the number of partisans in the sector of the Army Group "South" increased significantly. In the sector of Army Group Center, they took control of 45% of the territories occupied by the Germans.

The campaign, which dragged on for a long time to destroy the encircled Soviet troops, caused more and more associations with Napoleon's army and fears of the Russian winter. One of the soldiers of the Army Group "Center" on August 20 complained: "The losses are terrible, not to be compared with those that were in France." His company, starting from July 23, participated in the battles for the "tank highway No. 1". “Today the road is ours, tomorrow the Russians take it, then we again, and so on.” Victory no longer seemed so close. On the contrary, the enemy's desperate resistance undermined the morale and inspired by no means optimistic thoughts. “I have never seen anyone angrier than these Russians. Real chain dogs! You never know what to expect from them. And where do they get tanks and everything else?!”

During the first months of the campaign, the combat effectiveness of the tank units of Army Group Center was seriously undermined. By September 1941, 30% of the tanks were destroyed, and 23% of the vehicles were under repair. Almost half of all tank divisions intended for participation in Operation Typhoon had only a third of the initial number of combat vehicles. By September 15, 1941, Army Group Center had a total of 1346 combat-ready tanks, while at the beginning of the campaign in Russia this figure was 2609 units.

Personnel losses were no less heavy. By the beginning of the attack on Moscow, the German units had lost about a third of their officers. The total losses in manpower by this point reached about half a million people, which is equivalent to the loss of 30 divisions. If we take into account that only 64% of the total composition of the infantry division, that is, 10840 people, were directly "fighters", and the remaining 36% were in the rear and support services, it becomes clear that the combat effectiveness of the German troops decreased even more.

This is how one of the German soldiers assessed the situation on the Eastern Front: “Russia, only bad news comes from here, and we still don’t know anything about you. And in the meantime, you are absorbing us, dissolving in your inhospitable viscous expanses.

About Russian soldiers

The initial idea of ​​the population of Russia was determined by the German ideology of that time, which considered the Slavs "subhuman". However, the experience of the first battles made its own adjustments to these ideas.
Major General Hoffmann von Waldau, Chief of Staff of the Luftwaffe Command, 9 days after the start of the war, wrote in his diary: “The quality level of Soviet pilots is much higher than expected ... Fierce resistance, its mass character does not correspond to our initial assumptions.” This was confirmed by the first air rams. Kershaw cites the words of a Luftwaffe colonel: "Soviet pilots are fatalists, they fight to the end without any hope of victory or even survival." It is worth noting that on the first day of the war with the Soviet Union, the Luftwaffe lost up to 300 aircraft. Never before had the German Air Force suffered such large one-time losses.

In Germany, the radio was shouting that the shells of "German tanks not only set fire to, but also pierced Russian vehicles through and through." But the soldiers told each other about Russian tanks, which could not be penetrated even with point-blank shots - the shells ricocheted off the armor. Lieutenant Helmut Ritgen from the 6th Panzer Division admitted that in a collision with new and unknown Russian tanks: “... the very concept of tank warfare changed radically, the KV vehicles marked a completely different level of armament, armor protection and tank weight. German tanks instantly moved into the category of exclusively anti-personnel weapons ... " Tankman of the 12th Panzer Division Hans Becker: "On the Eastern Front, I met people who can be called a special race. Already the first attack turned into a battle not for life, but for death.

An anti-tank gunner recalls the indelible impression that the desperate resistance of the Russians made on him and his comrades in the first hours of the war: “During the attack, we stumbled upon a light Russian T-26 tank, we immediately clicked it right from the 37-graph paper. When we began to approach, a Russian leaned out of the hatch of the tower to the waist and opened fire on us with a pistol. It soon became clear that he was without legs, they were torn off when the tank was hit. And despite this, he fired at us with a pistol!

The author of the book “1941 through the eyes of the Germans” cites the words of an officer who served in a tank unit in the sector of Army Group Center, who shared his opinion with war correspondent Curizio Malaparte: “He reasoned like a soldier, avoiding epithets and metaphors, limiting himself only to argumentation, directly related to the issues under discussion. “We almost did not take prisoners, because the Russians always fought to the last soldier. They didn't give up. Their hardening cannot be compared with ours ... "

The following episodes also made a depressing impression on the advancing troops: after a successful breakthrough of the border defenses, the 3rd battalion of the 18th infantry regiment of the Army Group Center, numbering 800 people, was fired upon by a unit of 5 soldiers. “I did not expect anything like this,” Major Neuhof, the battalion commander, confessed to his battalion doctor. “It’s pure suicide to attack the forces of the battalion with five fighters.”

In mid-November 1941, an infantry officer of the 7th Panzer Division, when his unit broke into Russian-defended positions in a village near the Lama River, described the resistance of the Red Army. “You just won’t believe this until you see it with your own eyes. The soldiers of the Red Army, even burning alive, continued to shoot from the blazing houses.

Winter 41st

In the German troops, the saying "Better three French campaigns than one Russian" quickly came into use. “Here we lacked comfortable French beds and were struck by the monotony of the area.” "The prospect of being in Leningrad turned into an endless sitting in numbered trenches."

The high losses of the Wehrmacht, the lack of winter uniforms and the unpreparedness of German equipment for combat operations in the conditions of the Russian winter gradually allowed the Soviet troops to seize the initiative. During the three-week period from November 15 to December 5, 1941, the Russian Air Force made 15,840 sorties, while the Luftwaffe only 3,500, which further demoralized the enemy.

Corporal Fritz Siegel, in his letter home on December 6, wrote: “My God, what are these Russians planning to do with us? It would be nice if they at least listened to us up there, otherwise we will all have to die here"

A couple more fragments of memories of the battles surrounded by the 510th GAP RGK, presumably recorded at a meeting of veterans in Yaroslavl in 1970 by Kolpakov T.K. (from the personal archive of Kalyakina N.V.). The information is taken from a student's essay, unfortunately, the quotes in it are not clearly indicated, so it is difficult to argue that this is a fragment of two memoirs, and not a compilation from the memoirs of several veterans collected in the "author's sequence". The abstract mentions that the schoolchildren planned to digitize their memories and put them on the Internet, but alas, Google with Yandex has not yet found traces of such a publication. If someone living in Aban can help contact the school museum, then I would very much like to receive a complete copy of the memoirs of veterans of 510 GAP ...

MEMORY FRAGMENT -1
From February 5, 1942 to February 17, the 510th GAP as part of the 29th Army was cut off from its rear from the north along the river. Volga. The supply was cut off. The planes dropped ammunition, not crackers. The trips of the foremen of the batteries to the collective farms near Olenino made it possible to supply the field kitchens with potatoes and hemp seeds. There was no salt.

February 6 in the morning, a reinforced Nazi battalion with light guns began to approach the defense line of the 4th division. But the battery commander, Lieutenant Kazantsev, had set up and carefully disguised the 152-millimeter gun of Semyon Mitrofanovich Kolesnichenko the night before in this sector in front of the position. His gunner was an experienced and courageous artilleryman from Krasnoyarsk P.S. Korsakov. When the Nazis approached, the battery commander gave the command:
- Load the gun! And then he fell down, struck by machine gun fire.
- Fire! - political instructor Shitov commanded, and after a few seconds the first powerful shell exploded in the enemy column, followed by the second, third ... The Nazis rushed about, rushed to the side of the road, and the gunner Pyotr Korsakov fired direct fire at the fleeing Nazis. But now the last sixth shell is fired. And then everyone who was in the firing position opened fire on the fleeing Nazis from rifles and carbines.
When the battle ended, about a hundred corpses of fascist soldiers and officers remained on the battlefield.
The unparalleled feat of seventeen artillery soldiers is forever inscribed in the combat chronicle of the regiment.

MEMORY FRAGMENT - 2
... The Germans bombed constantly. The deputy commander of the 1st division, Art. lieutenant Zamorov, battalion commanders Voskovoy, Ivanov, battery commanders Asians, Taskaev, corporals Goryuk, Natalushko, but the regiment suffered especially heavy losses during the German offensives when they tried to break through the defenses.
The headquarters of the regiment, which was in the cars of st. Monchalovo at the Rubezhnoye junction. Ushatsky Klavdy Avksentovich equipped his observation post of the regiment commander on a water tower. The guns of the 2nd, 1st and 4th divisions were located along the road to Rubizhnoye. Artillerymen, having combed the forest, dug in in the snow. On the left near the village of Stupino, the 3rd division of 152 mm dug in. howitzers. But there were only ten shells per division.
Communication with the headquarters of the Kalinin Front and ammunition dropped from the aircraft did not change the situation. Then a rifle battalion of 300 soldiers formed from artillerymen under the command of the commander of the 1st division, captain Fedorenko, and the commissar of art. political instructor Katushenko and the chief of staff, senior lieutenant Leontyev, departed for the territory of the 39th army, starting an offensive near Sortino.
A February 7, 1942 the Germans launched an offensive in the Monchalovo region. Our guns for the 2nd day with direct fire repulsed the attacks of the Nazis. The duel of the combat crew of Kolesnichenko with a whole battalion of Germans, the death of the battalion commander Lieutenant Kazantsev, complete encirclement (in the vicinity of the station of Chertolino, the Germans cut off the battalion from the 39th army) - these are the tragic results of one day of battles. The officers of the staff of S.D. are in charge of the defense. Turkov and I.A. Shchekotov. German chains from Rubezhnoye, Korytovo, Stupino decisively attacked the trenches of the regiment. The battle took the 2nd division. Corporal Karpenko and Red Army soldier Gavrilov destroy the leading officer. Three brave: com. Post offices S.I. Proshchaev, scout senior sergeant Loginov P.I., Komsomol organizer of the regiment, junior political instructor Fedorenko A.P. crawling towards the attackers and throwing grenades at the Germans. 17 people were killed in the battle, including Commissar Doroshenko. Gun commander Butko N.F., commissar Shitov A.A., commander of art. platoon captain Tretyak D.P., medical assistant lieutenant Murzin I.M. and others. The Germans retreated. The first trophies: floor - hats of Hitler's crosses.
3rd division of Lieutenant Lobytsyn V.S. with the last direct-fire shells, he stopped the Germans wedged into the defense. The regimental headquarters and the walking wounded from the rear completed the defeat of the infiltrated Germans along the railway embankment. During the fighting in the environment, with the fire of hand weapons, the personnel of the regiment destroyed over 700 German soldiers and officers. The order of the headquarters of the front "to hold out for 2 days" was carried out.
Exit to your own with fights February 18-23 The commander of the regiment, Captain Ushatsky Klavdy Avksentovich, led the breakthrough. This mass landing, without tanks, through deep snow towards the location of the 30th Army was risky. Enemy fire cut off the column of the 2nd division and the convoy of the wounded. I had to turn north to join the battle. Rescued 106 wounded. Again losses: the commander of the 2nd division, Captain Petrenko, intelligence agent Krasikov, doctor Yermolova, and others died.
And yet, in the direction of Bakhmutovo, they went to their own. The regiment was housed in the hospitals of the 39th Army. On the "big Earth" the wounded were assisted, a bathhouse and food for artillerymen were urgently organized. And by evening, the regiment had already taken up defenses east of the village of Medveditsa. The war continued...