Ruhr conflict briefly. The Ruhr Crisis and the Dawes Plan. Exacerbation of differences between the allies

Outcome

withdrawal of French troops from Germany

Opponents Commanders Losses

unknown

Ruhr conflict- the climax of the military-political conflict between the Weimar Republic and the Franco-Belgian occupation forces in the Ruhr in 1923.

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Literature

Michael Ruck: Die Freien Gewerkschaften im Ruhrkampf 1923, Frankfurt am Main 1986;
Barbara Muller: Passiver Widerstand im Ruhrkampf. Eine Fallstudie zur gewaltlosen zwischenstaatlichen Konfliktaustragung und ihren Erfolgsbedingungen, Münster 1995;
Stanislas Jeannesson: Poincare, la France et la Ruhr 1922-1924. Histoire d'une occupation, Strasbourg 1998;
Elspeth Y. O'Riordan: Britain and the Ruhr crisis, London 2001;
Conan Fischer: The Ruhr Crisis, 1923-1924, Oxford/New York 2003;
Gerd Krumeich, Joachim Schröder (Hrsg.): Der Schatten des Weltkriegs: Die Ruhrbesetzung 1923, Essen 2004 (Düsseldorfer Schriften zur Neueren Landesgeschichte und zur Geschichte Nordrhein-Westfalens, 69);
Gerd Kruger: Aktiver und passiver Widerstand im Ruhrkampf 1923, in: Besatzung. Funktion und Gestalt militärischer Fremdherrschaft von der Antike bis zum 20. Jahrhundert, hrsg. von Günther Kronenbitter, Markus Pöhlmann und Dierk Walter, Paderborn / München / Wien / Zürich 2006 (Krieg in der Geschichte, 28) S. 119-130.

An excerpt characterizing the Ruhr conflict

On October 28, Kutuzov with an army crossed to the left bank of the Danube and stopped for the first time, putting the Danube between himself and the main French forces. On the 30th, he attacked Mortier's division on the left bank of the Danube and defeated it. In this case, trophies were taken for the first time: a banner, guns and two enemy generals. For the first time after a two-week retreat, the Russian troops stopped and, after a struggle, not only held the battlefield, but drove the French away. Despite the fact that the troops were undressed, exhausted, one-third weakened backward, wounded, killed and sick; despite the fact that on the other side of the Danube the sick and wounded were left with a letter from Kutuzov entrusting them to the philanthropy of the enemy; despite the fact that the large hospitals and houses in Krems, converted into infirmaries, could no longer accommodate all the sick and wounded, despite all this, the stop at Krems and the victory over Mortier significantly raised the spirit of the troops. The most joyful, though unfair, rumors circulated throughout the army and in the main apartment about the imaginary approach of columns from Russia, about some kind of victory won by the Austrians, and about the retreat of the frightened Bonaparte.
Prince Andrei was during the battle with the Austrian general Schmitt, who was killed in this case. A horse was wounded under him, and he himself was slightly scratched in the arm by a bullet. As a sign of the special favor of the commander in chief, he was sent with the news of this victory to the Austrian court, which was no longer in Vienna, which was threatened by French troops, but in Brunn. On the night of the battle, excited, but not tired (despite his seemingly slight build, Prince Andrei could endure physical fatigue much better than the strongest people), arriving on horseback with a report from Dokhturov to Krems to Kutuzov, Prince Andrei was sent that same night courier to Brunn. Departure by courier, in addition to rewards, meant an important step towards promotion.
The night was dark and starry; the road was blackened between the whitening snow that had fallen the day before, on the day of the battle. Now sorting through the impressions of the past battle, now happily imagining the impression that he would make with the news of the victory, remembering the farewell to the commander-in-chief and comrades, Prince Andrei galloped in the mail cart, experiencing the feeling of a man who has been waiting for a long time and, finally, has reached the beginning of the desired happiness. As soon as he closed his eyes, the firing of guns and guns was heard in his ears, which merged with the sound of wheels and the impression of victory. Now he began to imagine that the Russians were fleeing, that he himself had been killed; but he hurriedly woke up, with happiness, as if again learning that none of this had happened, and that, on the contrary, the French had fled. He again recalled all the details of the victory, his calm courage during the battle, and, having calmed down, dozed off ... After a dark starry night, a bright, cheerful morning came. The snow was melting in the sun, the horses were galloping fast, and indifferently to the right and to the left, new diverse forests, fields, villages passed.
At one of the stations, he overtook a convoy of Russian wounded. The Russian officer who was driving the transport, lounging on the front cart, shouted something, scolding the soldier with rude words. Six or more pale, bandaged and dirty wounded were shaking along the rocky road in long German bows. Some of them spoke (he heard the Russian dialect), others ate bread, the heaviest ones silently, with meek and painful childlike participation, looked at their courier galloping past.
Prince Andrei ordered to stop and asked the soldier in what case they were wounded. “The day before yesterday on the Danube,” answered the soldier. Prince Andrei took out a purse and gave the soldier three gold coins.
“All of them,” he added, addressing the approaching officer. - Get well, guys, - he turned to the soldiers, - there is still a lot to do.
- What, adjutant, what news? the officer asked, apparently wanting to talk.
- Good ones! Forward, - he shouted to the driver and galloped on.
It was already completely dark when Prince Andrei drove into Brunn and saw himself surrounded by tall houses, the lights of shops, windows of houses and lanterns, beautiful carriages rustling along the pavement and all that atmosphere of a big busy city, which is always so attractive for a military man after the camp. Prince Andrei, despite the fast ride and sleepless night, approaching the palace, felt even more lively than the day before. Only the eyes shone with a feverish brilliance, and thoughts changed with extreme rapidity and clarity. Again, all the details of the battle were vividly presented to him, no longer vaguely, but definitely, in a concise presentation, which he made in his imagination to Emperor Franz. He vividly presented himself with random questions that could be made to him, and the answers that he would make to them. He believed that he would immediately be presented to the emperor. But at the large entrance of the palace an official ran out to him and, recognizing him as a courier, escorted him to another entrance.
– From the corridor to the right; there, Euer Hochgeboren, [Your Honor,] you will find the adjutant's wing on duty, - the official told him. “He takes him to the Minister of War.
The adjutant on duty, who met Prince Andrei, asked him to wait and went to the Minister of War. Five minutes later the adjutant wing returned and, leaning especially politely and letting Prince Andrei go ahead of him, led him through the corridor to the office where the Minister of War was studying. The aide-de-camp wing, by his refined courtesy, seemed to want to protect himself from the Russian adjutant's attempts at familiarity. The joyful feeling of Prince Andrei weakened significantly when he approached the door of the office of the Minister of War. He felt insulted, and the feeling of insult passed at the same instant, imperceptibly for him, into a feeling of contempt based on nothing. A resourceful mind at the same instant suggested to him the point of view from which he had the right to despise both the adjutant and the minister of war. “It must be very easy for them to win victories without smelling gunpowder!” he thought. His eyes narrowed contemptuously; he entered the office of the Minister of War with particular slowness. This feeling was even more intensified when he saw the Minister of War sitting over a large table and for the first two minutes paying no attention to the newcomer. The Minister of War lowered his bald head with gray temples between two wax candles and read, marking the papers with a pencil. He finished reading without raising his head as the door opened and footsteps were heard.
“Take this and pass it on,” said the Minister of War to his adjutant, handing over the papers and not yet paying attention to the courier.
Prince Andrei felt that either of all the affairs that occupied the Minister of War, the actions of the Kutuzov army could least of all interest him, or the Russian courier had to be made to feel this. But I don't care, he thought. The Minister of War moved the rest of the papers, smoothed their edges with edges, and raised his head. He had an intelligent and characteristic head. But at the same moment he turned to Prince Andrei, the intelligent and firm expression on the face of the Minister of War, apparently, habitually and consciously changed: on his face stopped stupid, feigned, not hiding his pretense, the smile of a man who receives one after another many petitioners .
- From General Field Marshal Kutuzov? - he asked. “Good news, I hope?” Was there a collision with Mortier? Victory? It's time!
He took the dispatch, which was in his name, and began to read it with a sad expression.

Series: Soviet holidays. Builder's Day

For the first time, Builder's Day was celebrated in the USSR on August 12, 1956. And it was like that. On September 6, 1955, the Decree of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR "On the establishment of the annual holiday" Builder's Day "(on the second Sunday of August)" was issued. The conciseness of the Decree of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR is proof that the Builder's Day did not appear by chance, and that its appearance seemed to go without saying. Here is how the newspapers commented on it:
“A new manifestation of the concern of the party and government for builders is the Decree of the Central Committee of the CPSU and the Council of Ministers of the USSR “On measures for further industrialization, improving the quality and reducing the cost of construction” adopted on August 23, 1955. This resolution fully and clearly analyzes the state of construction, determines further ways for the broad industrialization of the construction business ”(“ Construction Newspaper ”, September 7, 1955).

“We builders are having a big day! Newspapers and radio carried the message throughout the country that the party and the government had adopted a resolution on a radical improvement in the construction industry. At the same time, the Decree of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR on the annual holiday - "Builder's Day" was published.
A sense of pride for our country, for our profession and ardent gratitude to the party and the government for taking care of us, the builders, filled our hearts ... ".

Builder's Day was celebrated on August 12. On this day, the newspapers wrote: “The Builder's Day celebrated today for the first time will henceforth be included in the calendar as a national holiday,” and this was not an exaggeration. Today it is difficult to imagine it, but in 1956 the country celebrated the holiday of builders with considerable enthusiasm, including folk festivals in parks of culture and recreation. Again, newspaper reports allow you to feel the atmosphere of those days:
“Moscow celebrated the holiday of builders with mass festivities, exhibitions, reports and lectures. It was especially crowded in the Gorky Central Park of Culture and Leisure. A meeting of the builders of the Leninsky district of the capital took place here, who built the architectural ensemble of the Moscow State University building, quarters of residential buildings in the south-west of the capital, the stadium named after V.I. Lenin, where the flag of the Spartakiad of the Peoples of the USSR is now hoisted. The builders of the district made a decision - to hand over by December 20, 210 thousand square meters. m of living space.
“On Sunday, the Chelyabinsk Park of Culture and Leisure was filled with about forty thousand builders. There was a rally…”

"Baku. A solemn meeting of the Baku City Council of Working People's Deputies, together with representatives of party, Soviet and public organizations, dedicated to the Builder's Day, took place here. The meeting was attended by the parliamentary delegation of Uruguay visiting here…”.

"Tbilisi. In the capital of Georgia, on August 11 and 12, festivities dedicated to the Builder's Day were held. Thousands of workers visited the Permanent Construction Exhibition that opened in the Ordzhonikidze Central Park of Culture and Leisure. It is deployed according to a new thematic plan. The main idea of the exhibition is to show elements of prefabricated reinforced concrete, large-block construction and advanced industrial methods of construction and installation works.

It is curious that many of the traditions laid down at the dawn of the Builder's Day have survived to this day: awards for the holiday, and ceremonial meetings with the participation of representatives of government structures, and simply feasts, which the press of those years does not mention, but which, no doubt , took place. But specialized exhibitions are no longer timed to coincide with the Builder's Day. And maybe in vain ...

Whether he is in a suit, with a new tie,
Whether he is in lime, like a snowman.
Each builder in a phrase, in a word,
By interjection recognizes the foreman!
Here he rises to his full height,
Loud toast:
To everyone who levels the wall
Master level,
Who does the work
With a kind word, mother,
Who dined in the change house,
Ate sausage with radish
Who hung with their feet in the sky
On the mounting belt
To all who work in bad weather
Crowbar, drill and saw,
We wish: build happiness!
And don't stand under the arrow!

As early as March 1921, the French occupied Duisburg and Düsseldorf in the Rhine demilitarized zone. This allowed France to open the way for further occupation of the entire industrial area, in addition, since the French now had control of the ports of Duisburg, they knew exactly the volume of exports of coal, steel and other products. They were not satisfied with the way Germany fulfilled its obligations. In May, the London ultimatum was put forward, according to which a schedule was set for the payment of reparations in the amount of 132 billion gold marks; in case of non-fulfilment, Germany was threatened with the occupation of the Ruhr.

Administered and occupied territories of Germany. 1923

Then the Weimar Republic went the way of the "policy of execution" - to follow the requirements so that their impracticability became obvious. Germany was weakened by the war, devastation reigned in the economy, inflation grew, the country tried to convince the winners that their appetites were too high. In 1922, seeing the deterioration in the economy of the Weimar Republic, the allies agreed to replace cash payments with natural ones - wood, steel, coal. But in January 1923, the International Reparations Commission stated that Germany was deliberately delaying deliveries. In 1922, instead of the required 13.8 million tons of coal - only 11.7 million tons, and instead of 200,000 telegraph masts - only 65,000. This was the reason for France to send troops into the Ruhr basin.

Caricature of Germany paying reparations

Even on the eve of the entry of troops on January 11 into Essen and its environs, large industrialists left the city. Immediately after the start of the occupation, the German government recalled its ambassadors from Paris and Brussels, the invasion was declared "contrary to international law, the violent policy of France and Belgium." Germany accused France of violating the treaty, declared a "war crime". Britain chose to remain outwardly indifferent, meanwhile convincing the French of her loyalty. In fact, England hoped to push Germany and France against each other, eliminate them and become a political leader in Europe. It was the British and Americans who advised the Weimar Republic to pursue a policy of "passive resistance" - to fight against France's use of the economic wealth of the Ruhr, to sabotage the activities of the occupation authorities. Meanwhile, the French and Belgians, starting with 60 thousand soldiers, brought their presence in the region to 100 thousand people and occupied the entire Ruhr region in 5 days. As a result, Germany lost almost 80% of coal and 50% of iron and steel.

Hyperinflation in Germany

While the British played their game behind the scenes, the Soviet government was seriously concerned about the situation. They said that the escalation of tension in the region could provoke a new European war. The Soviet government blamed both the aggressive policy of Poincaré and the provocative actions of the German imperialists for the conflict.

Meanwhile, on January 13, the German government adopted the concept of passive resistance by a majority vote. The payment of reparations was stopped, Ruhr enterprises and departments openly refused to obey the demands of the invaders, general strikes took place in factories, transport and state institutions. Communists and former members of voluntary paramilitary patriotic groups staged acts of sabotage and attacks on Franco-Belgian troops. Resistance in the region grew, it was expressed even in the language - all borrowed words from French were replaced by German synonyms. Nationalist and revanchist sentiments intensified, fascist-type organizations were secretly formed in all areas of the Weimar Republic, and the Reichswehr was close to them, whose influence in the country was gradually growing. They advocated the mobilization of forces for the restoration, training and rearmament of the "great German army."

Protest against the occupation of the Ruhr, July 1923

In response, Poincaré strengthened the occupying army and banned the export of coal from the Ruhr to Germany. He hoped to achieve a status similar to the Saar region - when the territory formally belonged to Germany, but all power was in the hands of the French. The repressions of the occupying authorities intensified, a number of coal producers were arrested, and government officials were arrested. In order to intimidate, a show trial was held and the execution of Freikorps member Albert Leo Schlageter, who was accused of espionage and sabotage. The German government repeatedly expressed its protest, but Poincaré invariably replied that “all the measures taken by the occupation authorities are perfectly legitimate. They are a consequence of the violation of the Treaty of Versailles by the German government.”

French soldier in the Ruhr

Germany hoped for help from England, but the British gradually realized that further pouring oil on the fire could be dangerous for themselves. England expected that because of the occupation, the franc would fall and the pound would soar. Only they did not take into account that because of this, the Germans lost their solvency, the devastation in the German economy destabilized the European market, English exports fell, unemployment began to grow in Britain. In the last hope of helping the British, the German government on May 2 sent them and the governments of other countries a note with proposals for reparations. All issues were proposed to be resolved by an international commission. There was a new round of diplomatic skirmish. France strongly objected to accusations of violating the Treaty of Versailles and demanded an end to passive resistance. In June, Chancellor Cuno revised his proposals slightly and put forward the idea of determining Germany's ability to pay at an "impartial international conference."

Occupation troops

A month later, England expressed its readiness to put pressure on Germany to give up resistance in the Ruhr, but subject to an assessment of the solvency of the Weimar Republic and the establishment of a more realistic amount of reparations. France again rejected any proposals, the world press started talking about a split in the Entente. Poincaré declared that the ruin of Germany was the work of Germany itself and the occupation of the Ruhr had nothing to do with it. The Germans must give up resistance without any conditions. It was obvious that both France and Germany wanted a speedy resolution to the conflict, but both sides were too proud to make concessions.

General Charles Dawes

Finally, on September 26, 1923, the new Chancellor Gustav Stresemann announced the end of passive resistance. Under pressure from the United States and Britain, France signed an allied agreement on a control commission for the factories and mines of the Ruhr. In 1924, a committee led by the American Charles Dawes drew up a new plan for Germany to pay reparations. The Weimar Republic was able to overcome inflation and gradually began to restore its economy. The victorious powers began to receive their payments and were able to return military loans received from the United States. In total, during the Ruhr conflict, the damage to the German economy amounted to 4 to 5 billion gold marks. In July-August 1925, the occupation of the Ruhr region ended.

The Versailles agreements put Germany in an extremely difficult position. The armed forces of the country were sharply limited. The winners divided the German colonies among themselves, and the bloodless German economy could now rely only on those raw materials that were available on its greatly reduced territory. The country had to pay large reparations.

On May 5, the Entente countries presented Germany with a new ultimatum demanding that they accept all new proposals of the reparation commission within 6 days (pay 132 billion marks over 66 years, including 1 billion immediately) and fulfill all the conditions of the Versailles Treaty on disarmament and the extradition of the perpetrators of the world war. wars; otherwise, the Allied forces threatened to completely occupy the Ruhr area. On May 11, 1921, the office of Chancellor Wirth, two hours before the expiration of the ultimatum, accepted the conditions of the allies. But only on September 30, French troops were withdrawn from the Ruhr. However, Paris did not stop thinking about this rich region.

The volume of reparations turned out to be beyond Germany's strength. Already in the autumn of 1922, the German government turned to the allies with a request for a moratorium on the payment of reparations. But the French government headed by Poincaré refused. In December, the head of the Rhenish-Westphalian coal syndicate, Stinnes, refused to deliver on reparations, even under the threat of being occupied by the troops of the Ruhr Entente. On January 11, 1923, a 100,000-strong Franco-Belgian contingent occupied the Ruhr and the Rhineland.

The Ruhr (after Upper Silesia was taken from Germany under the Treaty of Versailles) gave the country about 80% of coal, more than half of German metallurgy was concentrated here. The struggle for the Ruhr area united the German nation. The government called for passive resistance, which, however, began without any calls. In the Ruhr, enterprises stopped working, transport and mail did not work, taxes were not paid. With the support of the army, partisan actions and sabotage unfolded. The French responded with arrests, deportations, and even death sentences. But this did not change the situation.

The loss of the Ruhr led to an aggravation of the economic crisis throughout the country. Due to the lack of raw materials, thousands of enterprises stopped working, unemployment increased, wages decreased, inflation increased: by November 1923, 1 gold mark was worth 100 billion paper. The Weimar Republic was shattered. On September 26, Chancellor Stresemann announced the end of passive resistance in the Ruhr area and the resumption of German reparations payments. On the same day, a state of emergency was declared. The refusal to resist the French activated right and left extremists, as well as separatists, in many areas of Germany. The Communists blamed the occupation of the Ruhr on the government and called for civil disobedience and a general strike. With the help of the Reichswehr, the uprisings were nipped in the bud, although there was some bloodshed: in Hamburg, it came to barricade battles. In November 1923 the Communist Party was officially banned. On November 8-9, 1923, an attempted coup took place in Munich, which was organized by a little-known right-wing organization - the NSDAP.

From September 26, 1923 to February 1924, Minister of Defense Gessler and General von Seeckt, head of the Land Forces of the Reichswehr, were vested with exclusive powers in Germany in accordance with the state of emergency. These powers in practice made the general and the army dictators of the Reich.

Great Britain and the United States were dissatisfied with the intransigent position of France and insisted on negotiating over the establishment of a more realistic amount of reparations. On November 29 in London, the reparations commission set up two expert committees to study the question of stabilizing the German economy and ensuring that it paid reparations. On August 16, 1924, the conference of the countries of Europe, the USA and Japan completed its work there, adopting a new reparation plan of the American banker Charles Dawes.

In accordance with the Dawes Plan, France and Belgium evacuated troops from the Ruhr area (they began to do this on August 18, 1924 and finished a year later). A rolling payment schedule was established (which gradually increased from 1 billion marks in 1924 to 2.5 billion marks in 1928–1929). The main source of covering reparations was assumed to be state budget revenues from high indirect taxes on consumer goods, transport and customs fees. The plan made the German economy dependent on American capital. The country was given 800 million marks as a loan from the United States to stabilize the currency. The plan was based on the fact that German industrialists and merchants would transfer their foreign economic activity to Eastern Europe. The adoption of the plan testified to the strengthening of US influence in Europe and the failure of France's attempt to establish its hegemony.

Reparations were to be paid both in goods and in cash in foreign currency. To ensure payments, it was planned to establish control of the Allies over the German state budget, money circulation and credit, and railways. Control was exercised by a special committee of experts headed by a general agent for reparations. Charles Dawes was called the savior of Europe, and in 1925 he received the Nobel Peace Prize.

On October 16, 1925, in the Swiss city of Locarno, an international conference completed its work, in which representatives of Great Britain, France, Belgium, Italy, Germany, Poland and Czechoslovakia took part. The conference adopted the Rhine Pact, which ensured the inviolability of the borders between France, Belgium and Germany. The latter finally abandoned its claims to Alsace and Lorraine, and France - from its claims to the Ruhr region. The provisions of the Treaty of Versailles on the demilitarization of the Rhineland were confirmed and the Dawes plan was approved. By the way, the eastern German borders did not fall under the system of guarantees worked out in Locarno, which was part of the anti-Soviet policy of the powers.

The settlement of the reparations question and the elimination of the Ruhr conflict created favorable conditions for the influx of foreign capital into Germany. By September 1930, the amount of foreign, mainly American, investment in Germany amounted to 26-27 billion marks, and the total amount of German reparation payments for the same period was a little more than 10 billion marks. These capitals contributed to the restoration of industrial production in Germany, which already in 1927 reached the pre-war level.

On January 30, 1921, the conference of the Entente countries and Germany completed its work in Paris, setting the total amount of German reparations at 226 billion gold marks, which must be paid over 42 years. On March 3, the corresponding ultimatum was delivered to the German Foreign Minister. It contained a requirement within 4 days to fulfill its conditions. On March 8, having received no response to the ultimatum, the Entente troops occupied Duisburg, Ruhrort and Düsseldorf; at the same time, economic sanctions were imposed on Germany. On May 5, the Entente countries presented Germany with a new ultimatum demanding that they accept all new proposals of the reparation commission within 6 days (pay 132 billion marks over 66 years, including 1 billion immediately) and fulfill all the conditions of the Versailles Treaty on disarmament and the extradition of the perpetrators of the world war. wars; otherwise, the Allied forces threatened to completely occupy the Ruhr area. On May 11, 1921, the office of Chancellor Wirth, two hours before the expiration of the ultimatum, accepted the conditions of the allies. But only on September 30, French troops were withdrawn from the Ruhr. However, Paris did not stop thinking about this rich region.

The volume of reparations turned out to be beyond Germany's strength. Already in the autumn of 1922, the German government turned to the allies with a request for a moratorium on the payment of reparations. But the French government headed by Poincaré refused. In December, the head of the Rhenish-Westphalian coal syndicate, Stinnes, refused to deliver on reparations, even under the threat of occupation by the troops of the Ruhr Entente. On January 11, 1923, a 100,000-strong Franco-Belgian contingent occupied the Ruhr and the Rhineland.

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